Tag: american dream
Neal Gabler And How Not To Make It

Neal Gabler And How Not To Make It

Call me unpatriotic, but whenever I hear people prating about the “American Dream” it sets my teeth on edge. The thing about dreams, see, is that they’re imaginary. A figment of your imagination.

So you have a dream. Good for you.

I had a dream too. When I was twelve. I was going to be major league pitcher. Over the ensuing years, however, it became gradually apparent that the fastball that wowed them in Little League might not carry me to World Series stardom.

To me, that’s one of the big lessons of sports: realism. How good you are, how good you’re not. How to deal with it.

It’s when people bring unfettered illusions into the economic and political realm, however, that the trouble starts. One such example is a provocative essay in the May issue of The Atlantic by Neal Gabler.

Despite five well-received books and hundreds of magazine articles in all the prestigious places, Gabler finds himself at age 66 dead broke — ducking creditors, driving a 19 year-old junker, in thrall to the IRS and having to borrow money from his adult daughters to pay the heating bill.

“Financial impotence,” he calls it.

While he says he’s not looking for sympathy, Gabler identifies with economically-squeezed Americans who told pollsters for the Federal Reserve Board that they would have to meet a $400 emergency by either borrowing, selling something, or worse.

“Four hundred dollars!” Gabler writes. “Who knew?…Well, I knew. I knew because I am in that 47 percent.”

Well, Mitt Romney knew, if you recall. He expected GOP voters to be angry that a near-majority of Americans didn’t earn enough to pay Federal income taxes (although many end up remitting a greater proportion of their wealth to the government than Romney himself.)

However, Gabler’s point isn’t really political in the electoral sense. He professes concern about the aforementioned “American Dream.” He thinks it’s a pity that only 64 percent in a 2014 New York Times poll professed belief in this phantasm, defined as “that great, glowing, irresistible American promise that has been drummed into our heads since birth: Just work hard and you can have it all.”

Actually, no you can’t. And you never could. Respectfully, Gabler appears to have spent too much time on planet Hollywood. He worries that people’s money problems have “perhaps begun to diminish our national spirit. People want to feel, need to feel, that they are advancing in this world. It is what sustains them.”

Some would say that defining the national spirit entirely in material terms can only lead to sorrow. But let’s not get metaphysical in a newspaper column, shall we?

The author of biographies of Walt Disney, Walter Winchell, and Barbra Streisand, Gabler appears to have fallen into what my friend Gwen Moritz aptly defines as “the fatal trap of believing that [he] deserved a lifestyle [he] simply couldn’t afford.”

To somebody like me whose professional career roughly parallels Gabler’s, the man’s personal choices are mind-boggling. As he correctly points out, “writer…is a financially perilous profession.” To keep your head above water, it’s important to keep your wits about you. Without my wife’s steadfastness and hard work, I’d never have made a go of it. But if wealth and status are your primary goals, you’re probably in the wrong game.

Gabler appears to have made one financially ruinous decision after another—hiding the truth from himself and his family with equal facility. Even his confession sometimes conceals as much as it reveals. Moritz says she actually screamed when Gabler mentioned cashing out his retirement account to pay for his daughter’s wedding—this after spending his father’s savings sending his children to costly private colleges. He wanted them to be “winners.”

Me, I was flabbergasted when he mentioned buying a house in East Hampton, L.I. the most exclusive CEO- and celebrity-enclave on the east coast. A visit to the yacht club there could make an ordinary peasant nostalgic for the age of piracy. This two years before selling his family’s Brooklyn co-op. His combined mortgage payments must have rivaled Portugal’s national debt.

Then there was Gabler’s stretching out a lump-sum book advance by failing to pay taxes. Slate’s Helaine Olen says “I don’t believe there are 10 people in the United States who couldn’t tell you that would end badly.”

Equally bewildering is the personal angle. See, when they left the city, Gabler’s wife gave up her career as a film executive. “[W]ith my antediluvian masculine pride at stake, I told her that I could provide for us without her help—another instance of hiding my financial impotence, even from my wife. I kept the books; I kept her in the dark.”

It’s a fascinating confession, but few will find it ultimately persuasive.

American Dream, indeed.

Photo: BillMoyers.com.

Weekend Reader: ‘Our Kids: The American Dream In Crisis’

Weekend Reader: ‘Our Kids: The American Dream In Crisis’

Our Kids: The American Dream In Crisis is a history of the growth of inequality and the decline of social mobility as lived and witnessed by four generations of Americans. 

Author Robert D. Putnam returns to his hometown of Port Clinton, Ohio, to interview members of his 1959 high-school class, as well as the young people living there today. One interviewee says, “Your then was not my then, and your now isn’t even my now.” The town, presented as a childhood idyll that once boasted a strong civic sense, educational system, and robust industry, now has shuttered storefronts and a former factory that is a toxic wasteland.

So it is throughout the nation, as Putnam explains. Port Clinton’s fall into fiscal woes is representative of many towns and cities across America that have seen the collapse of manufacturing bases, lower wages, and higher poverty rates. For Putnam, the peril surrounding the American dream is due to a lack of community support and civic engagement. The book is a passionate, erudite plea for readers to recognize the responsibility we owe to the next generation. “America’s poor kids do belong to us and we to them. They are our kids,” he writes.

You can read the introduction below. The book is available for purchase here.

My hometown was, in the 1950s, a passable embodiment of the American Dream, a place that offered decent opportunity for all the kids in town, whatever their background. A half century later, however, life in Port Clinton, Ohio, is a split-screen American nightmare, a community in which kids from the wrong side of the tracks that bisect the town can barely imagine the future that awaits the kids from the right side of the tracks. And the story of Port Clinton turns out to be sadly typical of America. How this transformation happened, why it matters, and how we might begin to alter the cursed course of our society is the subject of this book.

The most rigorous economic and social history now available suggests that socioeconomic barriers in America (and in Port Clinton) in the 1950s were at their lowest ebb in more than a century: economic and educational expansion were high; income equality was relatively high; class segregation in neighborhoods and schools was low; class barriers to intermarriage and social intercourse were low; civic engagement and social solidarity were high; and opportunities for kids born in the lower echelon to scale the socioeconomic ladder were abundant.

Though small and not very diverse racially, Port Clinton in the 1950s was in all other respects a remarkably representative microcosm of America, demographically, economically, educationally, socially, and even politically. (Ottawa County, of which Port Clinton is county seat, is the bellwether county in the bellwether state of the United States—that is, the county whose election results have historically been closest to the national outcome.) The life stories of my high school classmates show that the opportunities open to Don and Libby, two poor white kids, and even to Jesse and Cheryl, two poor black kids, to rise on the basis of their own talents and energy were not so different from the opportunities open to Frank, the only real scion of privilege in our class.

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No single town or city could possibly represent all of America, and Port Clinton in the 1950s was hardly paradise. As in the rest of America at the time, minorities in Port Clinton suffered serious discrimination and women were frequently marginalized, as we shall explore later in this chapter. Few of us, including me, would want to return there without major reforms. But social class was not a major constraint on opportunity. When our gaze shifts to Port Clinton in the twenty-first century, however, the opportunities facing rich kids and poor kids today—kids like Chelsea and David, whom we shall also meet in this chapter—are radically disparate.

Port Clinton today is a place of stark class divisions, where (according to school officials) wealthy kids park BMW convertibles in the high school lot next to decrepit junkers that homeless classmates drive away each night to live in. The changes in Port Clinton that have led to growing numbers of kids, of all races and both genders, being denied the promise of the American Dream—changes in economic circumstance, in family structure and parenting, in schools, and in neighborhoods—are surprisingly representative of America writ large. For exploring equality of opportunity, Port Clinton in 1959 is a good time and place to begin, because it reminds us of how far we have traveled away from the American Dream.

June 1, 1959, had dawned hot and sunny, but the evening was cooler as 150 new graduates thronged down the steps of Port Clinton High School in the center of town, clutching our new diplomas, flushed with Commencement excitement, not quite ready to relinquish our childhood in this pleasant, friendly town of 6,500 (mostly white) people on the shores of Lake Erie, but confident about our future. It was, as usual, a community-wide celebration, attended by 1,150 people. Family or not, the townspeople thought of all the graduates as “our kids.”

Excerpted from Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis by Robert D. Putnam. Copyright © 2015 by Robert D. Putnam.  Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

If you enjoyed this excerpt, purchase the full book here.

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Endorse This: The American Dream’s Limits, Modeled In Legos

Endorse This: The American Dream’s Limits, Modeled In Legos

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What are the chances of moving up economically in America? In his innovative new video, Brookings Fellow Richard Reeves answers that fundamental question, using an intuitive method that even a conservative can understand.

Click above to see Reeve’s ingenious demonstration — then share this video!

Video via Brookings Institution

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McClatchy-Marist Poll: American Dream Seen As Out Of Reach

McClatchy-Marist Poll: American Dream Seen As Out Of Reach

By David Lightman, McClatchy Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON — Racing into a new century in which many of the old rules don’t seem to apply anymore, Americans are overwhelmingly pessimistic about their chances of achieving and sustaining the American dream, according to a new Marist-McClatchy Poll.

They see an economic system in which they have to work harder than ever to get ahead, and a political system that’s unresponsive to their needs. They see the wealthy allowed to play by a different set of rules from everyone else.

Eight out of 10 Americans think it’s harder now than before, taking more effort to get ahead than it did for previous generations. Just 15 percent think it takes the same work as it did before, and a scant 5 percent think it’s easier now.

And Americans don’t think it will get better soon, with 78 percent thinking it also will be harder for the next generation to get ahead.

The findings underscore the landscape at a time when the economy and the country are being fundamentally changed by waves of globalization and new technology, and as Americans struggle to see a better path forward and their politicians grapple over how to help.

President Barack Obama speaks frequently about the growing gap between rich and poor, and he pushes for a higher minimum wage and health care subsidies, as well as programs to help people find new skills, at the same time he pushes free trade, which some blame for an exodus of jobs to lower-paying foreign factories. Republicans propose help for businesses, hoping that would lead them to hire more and pay more.

Neither side has sold the public on a future full of economic hope.

Looking at work, Americans think by 75-22 percent that U.S. corporations make stockholders their top priority, over their employees.

Looking at their own lives, most people consider themselves middle class. Eighty-six percent of those polled identified themselves that way, with 14 percent calling themselves upper middle class, 50 percent saying middle class and 22 percent saying lower middle class.

Most think the middle class is hurt most by government policies. Fifty-five percent think the middle class is most likely to be left behind by those actions, while another 40 percent said the poor would be hurt the most.

The findings come as the nation and the federal government struggle to help the economy rebound in a robust fashion. Officially, the deep recession that began in December 2007 has been over since mid-2009, but growth has been sluggish, consumer confidence has just begun to improve and government spending has been restrained.

“The poll really explains why people are feeling on the sidelines and so despondent,” said Lee Miringoff, the director of the Marist Institute for Public Opinion in New York.

Polling has found that most people are wary of whether Washington can assist, but the new survey has constituents questioning whether any part of the American system can be a big help.

Two-thirds of those surveyed said people who worked hard still had a hard time maintaining their standard of living, a view that cut across nearly every income, geographic and age line.

Seventy-two percent of those who earn less than $50,000 a year felt that way, and 66 percent of those who earn more agreed. So did 63 percent of 18- to 29-year olds, and 71 percent of those 60 and older.

These attitudes have been building for years, Miringoff said, and the gloom is fueled by a political system that people think isn’t responsive to their needs.

“People just feel that those in Washington are not looking out for them,” he said. “They really feel a disconnect.”

The distrust of the wealthy — and the old belief that you could pull yourself up by your own bootstraps — was evident as 85 percent said there were different rules for the well-connected and people with money. Only 14 percent said everyone more or less played by the same rules to get ahead.

Even the wealthier felt that way, as 84 percent of those who earn more than $50,000 agreed, while 88 percent of those who make less concurred.

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METHODOLOGY

This survey of 1,197 adults was conducted Feb. 4-9 by the Marist Poll, sponsored in partnership with McClatchy. People 18 and older who live in the continental United States were surveyed by telephone by live interviewers. Landline telephone numbers were randomly selected based on a list of exchanges from throughout the nation from ASDE Survey Sampler Inc. The exchanges were selected to ensure that each region was represented in proportion to its population. To increase coverage, this sample was supplemented by respondents reached through random dialing of cellphone numbers from Survey Sampling International. The two samples then were combined and balanced to reflect the 2010 census results for age, gender, income, race and region. Results are statistically significant within 2.8 percentage points. There are 970 registered voters. The results for this subset are statistically significant within 3.1 percentage points. The error margin increases for cross-tabulations.

Photo: Christian Ramirez via Flickr