Tag: anti poverty
Lying Again? Scholars Detect Deception In Ryan’s Poverty Report

Lying Again? Scholars Detect Deception In Ryan’s Poverty Report

For the sake of America’s poor, a sincere conservative effort to improve the programs that serve them is very desirable – especially so long as Republicans control the House of Representatives, where they habitually yearn to cut or defund those same programs. For months Washington has eagerly awaited the latest version of “compassionate conservatism,” promised by Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) and his publicists.

But what the House budget chair and 2012 vice-presidential candidate delivered on Monday must drastically lower any such expectations.

“The War on Poverty: 50 Years Later” produced by Ryan’s House Budget Committee staff is merely more of the same old right-wing propaganda against the safety net, and worse.

Promoted as a scathingly rigorous analysis of the impact of poverty programs since the Sixties, its 200-plus pages cite dozens of academic researchers. Yet it more resembles an ideological tract than the social science meta-study it purports to be. Having determined in advance that nearly all of the nation’s anti-poverty spending is wasteful, counterproductive, and damaging to the work ethic of poor people, Ryan and his staff perform an audacious statistical stunt: They prove those programs have failed by pretending those programs don’t exist.

Poverty in America is officially determined by household income, and any official measurement of the number or percentage of poor Americans – those living “below the poverty line” — is determined by their income alone. But in order to measure the effectiveness of government programs designed to reduce the impact of low incomes, it would seem logically necessary to add in those extra sources of cash, goods, and services. A family that receives food stamps and the Earned Income Tax Credit may be raised out of poverty, even if their income remained below the official poverty line.

But the Ryan report rejects such plain logic, relying instead on the official poverty numbers without assessing the impact of those programs – and then insists that because the number of families with low incomes remains around 15 percent, those programs have failed.

As the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities explains in a pithy review:

The report features the “official” poverty measure even though analysts across the political spectrum — and all three witnesses at a recent hearing that Ryan held, including the two Republicans he invited — have warned that the official poverty measure is deeply flawed for tracking changes in poverty over recent decades and for evaluating the impact of the safety net today.  The official measure ignores a very large share of the safety net — including SNAP (formerly known as food stamps), tax-based benefits such as the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit, and low-income housing assistance, among other programs.  Using a more comprehensive measure of poverty that analysts broadly favor, known as the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM), Columbia University researchers recently found that poverty had fallen markedly, from 26 percent in 1967 to 16 percent in 2012.  Ryan buries this fact, failing to note the deep reductions in poverty under the SPM since the 1960s until page 201 of his report.

Moreover, the SPM shows that in 2012, the safety net cut poverty nearly in half — shrinking the poverty rate from 29 to 16 percent.  Yet in its 200-plus pages, the Ryan report fails to mention these findings.

In other words, Ryan cooks the books (again!), this time to denigrate programs that the Republicans want to cut drastically, notably SNAP and Medicaid.

If such manipulations aren’t troubling enough, it now appears that some of Ryan’s copious academic citations are also misleading and perhaps fraudulent, with the same distorting effect. According to the Fiscal Times, a group of Columbia University researchers whose work is cited in the report complain that Ryan omits critical data from their study, which examines progress against poverty between 1967 and 2012. For reasons best known to the Wisconsin Republican, his team simply left out the data from 1967 to 1969 – and artfully diminished the very substantial improvement gauged during those years.

Not so impressive for a politician claiming wonk status.

Said a surprised Jane Waldfogel, one of the Columbia professors who co-authored the study cited so misleadingly by Ryan: “In my experience, usually you use all of the available data. There’s no justification given. It’s unfortunate because it really understates the progress we’ve made in reducing poverty.” 

Like any faithful House Republican, Ryan and his staff also ignore the beneficial impact of health care reform. Based on completely outdated figures, they insist that poor families are discouraged from working (as if there are plenty of jobs) because they fear making too much money to qualify for Medicaid. But as CBPP also points out, that problem has been erased by the Affordable Care Act, which sharply increases the amount that a household can earn before losing Medicaid to 136 percent of the poverty line. Above that line, a working family can qualify for Obamacare subsidies and retain its insurance. But the Ryan report conceals that salient fact, too.

The report does offer a few brighter moments — including its advocacy for an expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit, which is proposed by President Obama in his budget today as well. Time will tell whether House Republicans join the White House to improve that traditionally bipartisan program, a favorite of both Presidents Reagan and Clinton. A safer bet is that they will surrender instead to the Tea Party caucus, which abhors any cooperation with this president.

Either way, there is nothing in Ryan’s latest effusion to dispel the impression of intellectual impoverishment left by his first foray in the direction of “compassionate conservatism” – always an embarrassing oxymoron, and now a synonym for scholarly deception as well.

Photo: Speaker Boehner via Flickr

Cruel Follies: Fighting Poverty The Republican Way, With Fresh (And Not-So-Fresh) Ideas

Cruel Follies: Fighting Poverty The Republican Way, With Fresh (And Not-So-Fresh) Ideas

Listening to Republican politicians these days, as they talk (and talk and talk) about poverty and inequality, can be a poignant experience. They want us to know they’re worried about the diminishing economic prospects confronted by so many Americans. They hope we will admire their shiny new solutions. And they are so eager for us to believe that they care.

But however concerned those Republican worthies may be, they still insist on promoting the same exhausted and useless ideas favored by their party for decades.  The sad result is that almost nobody believes that they care at all – and their “anti-poverty initiatives” tend to be dismissed with a snicker as public relations rather than public policy.

Of course, it would be easier to feel sorry for these would-be saviors of the poor if they tried just a little harder. How long have conservatives been advising the poor that their lot would improve if only they got religion? That pious attitude dates back beyond Dickens — but Wisconsin Republican Paul Ryan, House Budget Committee chair and Mitt Romney running mate, seems to feel it qualifies him as a deep and sensitive thinker. (As a Catholic, however, Ryan should note that Pope Francis doesn’t think prayer will suffice for the excluded and the impoverished. Instead His Holiness urges governments to act boldly on their behalf.)

The latest example of rhetorical failure is Senator Marco Rubio, the Florida Republican whose eager quest for national relevance has yet to achieve traction. Marking the 50th anniversary of President Lyndon Johnson’s declaration of the “war on poverty,” Rubio delivered what aides billed as a major address on the topic, filled with fresh and brilliant policy alternatives to “big government.”

What little content could be gleaned from Rubio’s speech — leaving aside the worn homilies about the land of opportunity and his toiling ancestors – was a Reagan-era plan to devolve federal anti-poverty programs to the states, as “block grants,” plus a vague scheme to transform the successful Earned Income Tax Credit into something different, with details to arrive someday.

The entire speech consisted of such thin and indigestible gruel, which the worst workhouse would have hesitated to serve its downtrodden clientele a century or so ago. Even the undeserving poor deserve better.

Much as conservatives like Rubio repeatedly tell us that local and state programs are always better than federal, there isn’t much evidence to support the claim. They should listen to their own constant complaining about the unacceptable quality of public education, which is almost entirely administered by towns, counties, and states – and contrasts nicely with Social Security and Medicare, the two most effective remedies for poverty ever devised in this country.

Does Rubio propose that the government should turn those popular and efficient programs into block grants, and send the money to the states? He would be chased out of Florida with tar and feathers if he dared.

Whether it is Rubio’s Reaganesque retread or Ryan’s cold spiritual comfort, we have seen and heard it all before. Their point seems aimed less at addressing human need than preventing serious action – as when Rubio poses his “wage enhancement” scheme as a better choice than raising the minimum wage, or when Ryan praises church charities while cutting food stamps.

But if we reject those cruel follies, how can government help the poor – and restore a measure of equity and decency to the economy?

A substantial increase in the minimum wage, which would raise earnings for all of the working poor, is the beginning. A federal commitment to universal pre-kindergarten schooling, proven effective from Europe to deep-red Oklahoma, would be valuable. And a national infrastructure bank, as part of a real program to rebuild the nation’s decaying transportation, energy, recreation and education systems, would be a significant step toward full employment – the true antidote to hopelessness.

Yes, these things surely would cost money. But they would just as surely save money – a lot of money, as in trillions of dollars. Rebuilding bridges and roads is far cheaper today, when interest rates are low, than when they tumble down years from now. Raising the minimum wage requires no federal dollars, and saves the government from subsidizing low-wage employers. The estimated return on universal pre-K is roughly 17 dollars for every buck spent — because those fortunate children tend to stay out of jail, off welfare, and in taxpaying jobs.

It is time to stop pretending that we can solve national problems by shuffling inadequate budgets around and praying for mercy. It is time to do something – and we already know what to do.

AFP Photo/Alex Wong