Predictably enough, many of the Birmingham Trumpsters are quick to denounce paid protesters, with one of them even citing a Facebook fake news video. Questioned by the Daily Show’s Desi Lydic, however, none can cite evidence of the demonstrators who showed up to confront Rep. Gary Palmer (R-AL) being anything except fellow Sixth District residents (as all of them quite obviously are).
It’s thrilling to see the throngs of women marching in the streets of America for the women of America. But one of the challenges of showing support for women in America is how to do this without excluding most of the women in America who need it most.
Sectors of the U.S. labor movement are throwing their weight behind an International Women’s Day call for mass actions to protest the gendered violence wrought by neoliberalism, from workplace harassment to environmental destruction to the gutting of welfare systems.
Most of this digital activism builds on the infrastructure originally created and popularized by Black Lives Matter and Occupy Wall Street. Yet the scale is now much larger, and the targets more diverse.
Much like Richard Nixon used the nation’s drug laws to break the backs of the anti-war and civil-rights movements, Senator Borrelli and his Republican friends apparently want to break the back of anti-GOP, anti-Trump protests with the same type of police-state overkill.
The rise of right-wing populism in the United States—from the White House to state legislatures—has been met with public resistance on a stunning scale. Now, under cover of the Trump administration’s “law and order” platform, Republican lawmakers at the state level are advancing a spate of bills aimed at crushing this groundswell.
Resist Trump is a protest by spontaneous combustion trigged by tweets and Facebook posts. Too often, however, such uprisings lack staying power. We should know by now that without organizational infrastructure such wondrous uprisings are fragile at best.
Moore recently unleashed “The Michael Moore Easy-to-Follow 10-Point Plan to Stop Trump,” which contains Moore’s list of tactics for resisters all over the country to take on. Part of Moore’s plan is to take over the Democratic Party, which means to him getting Congressman Keith Ellison elected to head the DNC when it meets this Saturday, February 25.
The planned actions follow the Day Without Immigrants nationwide protest on Thursday against Trump’s immigration policies. Businesses shut their doors, students skipped class, and thousands of demonstrators gathered to highlight the importance of immigrants to the U.S. economy.
If other social movements are any guide, the biggest challenge the anti-Trump resistance faces in the weeks and months ahead is bringing some structure and strategy to these fragmented groups. On the flip-side, too much streamlining risks losing the grassroots authenticity that gets the attention of politicians.
Dozens of restaurants, bars, and other businesses in cities around the U.S. shut their doors on Thursday to show support for “A Day Without Immigrants,” a walkout aimed at protesting President Trump’s policies. The nature of the action made it difficult to ascertain how many immigrants were participating, although there were rallies scheduled later on Thursday in Chicago, Houston, and Raleigh, North Carolina.
I first noticed this influx of visitors from the past — men, mostly — shortly after the election. Filling my email inbox. Trolling my Twitter and Facebook feeds. Offering one unsolicited directive after another about how women should be conducting themselves. Lately, I’m wondering whether time travel isn’t contagious. Spreads like a syndrome maybe.
The fight over the future of the Democratic Party has been decided in the streets. The swelling crowds at women’s marches and the chanting airport cadres protesting President Donald Trump’s new immigration plan have finally pushed the party to the left after years of mincing steps in that direction.
The greatest weapon the American public has to fight Trump and his minions is the central institution of our representative democracy: the legislative branch. Progressives must threaten their representatives with removal if they don’t heed the majority that finds Trump repugnant, and they must organize that majority to speak unambiguously in November 2018.
Bills have been introduced over the past month in states including North Dakota, Indiana, and Iowa that would impose measures such as harsher penalties for demonstrators who disrupt traffic, and scrapping punishment for drivers who unintentionally strike protesters blocking their vehicles.
Seizing on Trump’s favorite mode of discourse, scientists at the Environmental Protection Agency, NASA, and other bureaus have privately launched Twitter accounts – borrowing names and logos of their agencies – to protest restrictions they view as censorship and provide unfettered platforms for information the new administration has curtailed.
We must view Trump as a real threat to our institutions, to our democracy, and to our future. The Trump presidency and Trumpism is a new phenomenon in our country’s history. Never before has such an authoritarian personality been president. We’ve had demagogues in the House and Senate, but never in the Oval Office.
The march, believed to be one of the largest-ever demonstrations in the history of the United States, started as a Facebook post in the days after the 2016 presidential election. Within two months, it morphed into the largest event in defiance of Trump’s presidency over inauguration weekend.
In Washington, police cars lined much of Pennsylvania Avenue, the parade route, as workers unloaded crowd control fences from flatbed trucks, erected barricades and marked off pavement with tape. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson said police aimed to keep groups separate, using tactics similar to those employed during last year’s political conventions. “The concern is some of these groups are pro-Trump, some of them are con-Trump, and they may not play well together in the same space,” Johnson said.
Maybe all that fuss is to compensate for the fact that Trump’s inauguration will have half the number of attendees as incoming President Obama’s did, and no big-name draw upon which to base a comparison of the two events. You can bet this infuriates Trump.
Groups including Emily’s List, which supports Democratic women candidates, and nonpartisan VoteRunLead and Ignite report that online and in-person classes that typically see a few dozen participants are now attracting hundreds of women newly interested in politics.
Washington will turn into a virtual fortress ahead of Donald Trump’s presidential inauguration on Friday as the U.S. capital braces for more than a quarter-million protesters expected during the Republican’s swearing-in. By far the biggest protest will be the Women’s March on Washington on Saturday, which organizers expect to draw 250,000 people.
Not only did the first female presidential nominee of a major political party lose after her victory was taken for granted, but she lost to a man caught on tape boasting about groping women. Now the alarm and ensuing determination that many young American women felt after the door-slam of the 2016 election have become catalysts for a new women’s movement.
Knitters — mostly women — started crafting handmade pink caps with cat ears, a reference to Trump’s vulgar statements about grabbing women’s genitals, which were revealed in a leaked video shortly before the election. As word spread on social media, thousands of hats — knit with skeins of thick magenta or fuchsia yarn — have been made around the world, including in Australia and Austria.
The Observer article suggests a conspiracy theory tying post-election street protests, efforts to influence the Electoral College, the Black Lives Matter movement, and billionaire George Soros — and demands the immediate attention of FBI director James Comey.