Tag: collusion
‘Despicable’: Trump Openly Invites Foreign Collusion In 2020 Campaign

‘Despicable’: Trump Openly Invites Foreign Collusion In 2020 Campaign

On the one hand, it wasn’t at all surprising for President Donald Trump to say on Wednesday that he sees nothing wrong with foreign governments offering opposition research to American political campaigns — it’s completely consistent with his actions and those of his associates in 2016. On the other, we should certainly still be shocked to hear Trump make these comments, especially when he admitted to ABC News’ George Stephanopoulos that he would readily accept offers of election help from other countries.

He also denied that his campaign should have informed the FBI when Russia reached out in 2016 with offers of dirt on Hillary Clinton — and said current FBI Director Christopher Wray was “wrong” to say that any foreign overtures to campaigns should be reported to the bureau.

Legal and national security experts were aghast at the comments.

“This is despicable,” said former Director of the Office of Government Ethics Walter Shaub when he learned of Trump’s comments.

“We’ve gone from ‘it was about adoptions,’ to ‘no collusion,’ to ‘collusion is just fine,’” said former federal prosecutor Mimi Rocah. “Republicans have sanctioned this by their silence. And Democrats will be enablers if they don’t take more drastic action now.”

“Collusion is good, according to Trump,” said Harry Sandick, also a former federal prosecutor.

“Trump demonstrates how you can have collusion without a conspiracy: Prosecutors might not have enough evidence to prove taking ‘oppo research’ from a hostile foreign power is a full blown conspiracy, but if they want you to win & you take the goods, it sure sounds like collusion?” said Joyce Vance, a former U.S. Attorney in the Northern District of Alabama.

Others shared similar views:

IMAGE: Pedestrians cross the street behind a billboard showing a picture of US president-elect Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Danilovgrad, Montenegro, November 16. 2016. REUTERS/Stevo Vasiljevic

The Mueller Report’s Damning Portrait Of Trump

The Mueller Report’s Damning Portrait Of Trump

With the release of the redacted Mueller report, Americans can be grateful that their president did not so blatantly violate any law that the special counsel felt compelled to indict him. Really. It’s better than learning that he was caught red-handed in a multitude of Class A felonies.

The public should not, however, be consoled by everything else that was revealed. The report compiles a profusion of evidence that the president is a disgrace to his office, giving exclusive consideration to his own welfare and none to the interests of the public. Felonious? Maybe not. Villainous? Without a doubt.

For Republicans to celebrate the findings is a desolate testament to Trump’s ability to corrode standards so badly that even he can meet them. His partisan defenders insist on claiming that the president has been vindicated, even though the investigation has led to the criminal conviction of six Trump associates, including his campaign manager and his national security adviser.

The claim of vindication comes even though the special counsel confirmed that, in instance after instance, Trump behaved in ways that were dishonest, intemperate, contemptuous of the rule of law, ethically foul and quite possibly criminal.

The question regarding obstruction of justice, in Robert Mueller’s judgment, is not whether Trump is innocent or guilty. Very little in his behavior could be described as innocent. The question is whether Trump is demonstrably guilty enough to prosecute. It was, in the end, a close call.

Mueller’s answer might have been “yes,” except that, as the report says, “we recognized that a federal criminal accusation against a sitting president would place burdens on the president’s capacity to govern.” The Justice Department has long taken the position that a sitting president may not be indicted.

But the special counsel intended no exoneration of Trump. “If we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the president clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state … However, we are unable to reach that judgment.”

Over and over, the report cites actions that would have been spectacularly scandalous had they been committed by Barack Obama or George W. Bush. Trump tried to kill the investigation by leaning on FBI Director James Comey, telling his White House counsel to have Mueller fired, demanding that the attorney general intervene despite his recusal, and making threats and suggesting pardons to discourage witnesses from incriminating him. But Trump benefits because sordid conduct is what the citizenry expects of him, and what his supporters defend.

No one should be pleased to learn that in the face of the Kremlin’s efforts to elect Trump, he and his campaign aides were willing beneficiaries rather than active conspirators. Attorney General William Barr, parroting the president before releasing the report, claimed repeatedly that the special counsel found “no evidence” of “collusion.”

Oh? The investigation “identified numerous links between the Russian government and the Trump campaign” and found that “the Russian government perceived it would benefit from a Trump presidency and worked to secure that outcome, and that the campaign expected it would benefit electorally from information stolen and released through Russian efforts.”

Donald J. Trump Jr., we already knew, eagerly agreed to a meeting in which he expected Russians to provide dirt on Hillary Clinton – a meeting that, Mueller notes, the president himself later lied about. What about this was not “collusion”?

The material released last Thursday came under the title, Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Election. It documents all the ways in which the Russian government acted to deliver the presidency to Trump, by flooding social media with bogus information and engaging in cyberattacks on Democratic targets. The effort amounted to a rape of American democracy, carried out by a thuggish autocrat.

That’s not the worst thing. The worst thing is the president’s conspicuous reluctance to confront Vladimir Putin head-on over his meddling. Trump has been slow and grudging in trying to prevent a 2020 repetition. The administration imposed sanctions on Russian figures last year, but only in response to a congressional demand.

Instead, Trump has mostly treated the Kremlin boss as someone to be embraced, despite the warnings of U.S. intelligence agencies. After his July 2018 Helsinki news conference with Putin, Sen. John McCain declared, “No prior president has ever abased himself more abjectly before a tyrant.”

Steve Chapman blogs at http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/chapman. Follow him on Twitter @SteveChapman13 or at https://www.facebook.com/stevechapman13. To find out more about Steve Chapman and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate website at www.creators.com.

Trump’s Russia Lawyer Isn’t Seeking Security Clearance, And May Have Trouble Getting One

Trump’s Russia Lawyer Isn’t Seeking Security Clearance, And May Have Trouble Getting One

Reprinted with permission fromProPublica.

The ongoing investigations into alleged collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia involve reams of classified material. Yet Marc Kasowitz, the New York lawyer whom President Donald Trump has hired to defend him in these inquiries, told ProPublica through a spokesman that he does not have a security clearance — the prerequisite for access to government secrets. Nor does he expect to seek one.

Several lawyers who have represented presidents and senior government officials said they could not imagine handling a case so suffused with sensitive material without a clearance.

“No question in my mind — in order to represent President Trump in this matter you would have to get a very high level of clearance because of the allegations involving Russia,” said Robert Bennett, who served as President Bill Clinton’s personal lawyer. Like many Washington lawyers, Bennett has held security clearances throughout his career.

As the spotlight on Russia intensifies with new email disclosures that his son, son-in-law, and then-campaign manager met in June 2016 with a Russian attorney who promised damaging information about Hillary Clinton, Kasowitz’s lack of a security clearance could hinder the president’s legal and political response to the scandal.

One possible explanation for Kasowitz’s decision not to pursue a clearance: He might have trouble getting one.

In recent weeks, ProPublica spoke with more than two dozen current and former employees of Kasowitz’s firm, Kasowitz Benson Torres LLP, as well as his friends and acquaintances. Past and present employees of the firm said in interviews that Kasowitz has struggled intermittently with alcohol abuse, leading to a stint in rehab in the winter of 2014-15.

Several people told ProPublica that Kasowitz has been drinking in recent months. (The vast majority of those who spoke to ProPublica for this article declined to be quoted by name, citing Kasowitz’s penchant for threatening lawsuits.)

Experts on federal security reviews told ProPublica that recent episodes of alcohol abuse are a major barrier to receiving clearance, a process that involves government agents poring over a person’s past and interviewing family, friends and colleagues. Investigators typically raise flags about behaviors that might make someone vulnerable to blackmail or suggest poor judgment.

Kasowitz’s spokesman said he doesn’t need a clearance. “No one has suggested he requires a security clearance, there has been no need for a security clearance, and we do not anticipate a need for a security clearance,” the spokesman said. “If and when a security clearance is needed, Mr. Kasowitz will apply for one with the other members of the legal team.”

Kasowitz’s spokesman did not directly respond to questions about whether he has struggled with alcohol abuse, but said the attorney is able to drink in moderation without a problem.

While not a government employee, Kasowitz has become a public face of the administration on the Russia case. Last month, he went before the cameras to deliver the president’s response to the landmark testimony of fired FBI Director James Comey. White House officials have regularly referred media inquiries about Russia-related matters, including queries about Jared Kushner and Michael Flynn, to Kasowitz.

In Washington, where every word and action of the president’s lawyer is scrutinized, Kasowitz is a neophyte. Instead of negotiating deals among the capital’s power brokers or fending off FBI investigations, Kasowitz, 65, built a lucrative practice in civil court suing banks and representing, among others, a leading tobacco company.

Kasowitz has been described by colleagues in the scrappy world of New York lawyers as the “toughest of the tough guys.” Bloomberg News called him a “Pit Bull Loyal to The Boss” while The New York Times described him as “the Donald Trump of lawyering.” His aggressive legal style has spurred rebukes from two judges.

For over 15 years, he represented Donald Trump, earning the president’s loyalty through his eager pugilism. Kasowitz has defended him in the Trump University fraud lawsuit. He fought to keep records from Trump’s 1990 divorce private, and threatened to sue The New York Times for publishing a story in which women accused Trump of unwanted touching and sexual assault. He also recently represented Fox News’ Bill O’Reilly after multiple women accused O’Reilly of sexual harassment.

Before representing Trump in the Russia inquiry, Kasowitz was informally advising the president. He has told friends he recommended firing Preet Bharara because the crusading prosecutor posed a danger to the administration. He has told people Trump wanted him to be attorney general.

Trump reportedly sought a classic Washington lawyer to represent him on Russia before choosing Kasowitz. Initially Kasowitz was reluctant to take it on. “He didn’t seek this,” said Joseph Lieberman, the former senator and Democratic vice presidential candidate who is now senior counsel at the firm. “In the end, the president said, ‘I need you. I know you and trust you.’”

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6 Signs That The Russia Investigation Could Blow Up The Trump White House

6 Signs That The Russia Investigation Could Blow Up The Trump White House

Reprinted with permission from AlterNet.

The New York Times report that Donald Trump Jr. met with a Russian lawyer last June in expectation of receiving damaging information on Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton is a blow for a White House already saddled with sinking poll numbers and a stalled legislative agenda.

After a few weeks of political news dominated by the fate of the Senate health care bill and Trump’s trip to Europe, the Russia investigation has resurfaced with a vengeance.

The Times’ revelations disclose six new dangers facing Trump’s presidency.

1. What did Trump know about the meeting?

The meeting between Donald Trump Jr. and Russian lawyer Natalia Veselnitskaya occurred on June 9, 2016. Trump Jr.’s first explanation was the meeting only concerned U.S.-Russian adoption policies that had been disrupted by congressional approval of the Magnitsky Act, a law imposing sanctions on the Russian government and certain officials. In response, Russian president Vladimir Putin but the brakes on all American adoptions of Russian orphans.

When confronted with a second story saying Trump Jr. agreed to the meeting because Veselnitskaya had offered incriminating information on Clinton, the president’s son changed his tune. He admitted the subject had come up, but said Veselnitskaya offered no specifics, so he lost interest and the conversation returned to adoption.

In a sarcastic tweet, Trump Jr. said the talk “went nowhere.”

Was the substance of the Russian offer relayed to his father? Donald Trump was at Trump Tower, the site of the meeting that day on June 9. He is known to have lunched with campaign manager Paul Manafort, who attended the meeting along with Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law.

Keith Olbermann points out that it was the afternoon of June 9 when Trump sent out his first tweet about Clinton’s emails.

2. Evidence of collusion.

From Matt Taibbi on the left to Sean Hannity on the right, some pundits have complained that there is no evidence to support allegations of collusion between the Trump campaign and Russian officials.

Yes, there were meetings, these critics say. Yes, they were unusual and perhaps even improper. Yes, the Trump campaign denied the meetings and then admitted them. But nothing about the meetings points to collusion—meaning “secret cooperation”—to influence the 2016 election.

Left or right, that argument is now much less credible.

If the June 9 discussion covered the Magnitsky Act, which Putin wanted repealed, and damaging information about Clinton, which Trump wanted revealed, then one has to wonder if there was a meeting of the minds, a quid pro quo, an exchange of favors in which the two sides agreed to secretly help the other. In a word, if there was collusion.

Richard Painter, a former ethics lawyer for the Bush White House, said Trump Jr.’s behavior qualifies as criminal.

“If this story is true, we’d have one of them if not both of them in custody by now, and we’d be asking them a lot of questions,” Painter told MSNBC

3. Manafort sings.

A close reading of the Times story about the June 9 meeting indicates that Paul Manafort is talking to investigators about previously undisclosed meetings between the Trump campaign and the Russians.

Manafort, the Times reports, “recently disclosed the meeting, and Donald Trump Jr.’s role in organizing it, to congressional investigators who had questions about his foreign contacts, according to people familiar with the events.”

Manafort, a political consultant who recently acknowledged his consulting firm received $19 million from pro-Putin forces in Ukraine, ran Trump’s campaign from May to August 2016.

Last month, Nancy LeTourneau of the Washington Monthly made the case that Manafort has already turned state’s witness. The Times’ story lends credence to that theory.

4. The ‘modified limited hangout.’

During the Watergate scandal of the 1970s that brought down President Richard Nixon, adviser John Ehrlichman suggested the president respond to a round of damaging revelations with what he called a “modified limited hangout.” This is the “strategy of mixing partial admissions with misinformation and resistance to further investigation.”

The Trump White House is now in modified limited hangout mode. The Times story did not come from the president’s enemies or anonymous sources in the intelligence community. It was attributed to “three advisers to the White House briefed on the meeting and two others with knowledge of it.”

Unable to deny the substance of the story of the June 9 meeting, all the president’s men are confirming it, the better to assert that the president was not involved.

“My father knew nothing of these meetings and these events,” Trump Jr. said in a statement.

What Manafort has to say about his June 9 meetings with the Russian lawyer and with Trump is not known—yet.

5. Allies retreat.

As the “no evidence of collusion” argument collapses, the president’s allies are retreating to a new line of defense: collusion is not a crime. Hannity started offering this argument last week, as did Fox News anchor Brit Hume.

“Can anybody identify the crime?” Hume said. “Collusion, while it would be obviously alarming and highly inappropriate for the Trump campaign, of which there is no evidence by the way, of colluding with the Russians. It’s not a crime.”

The argument is not legally implausible. Secret cooperation with a foreign government isn’t, by itself, a violation of the law. But the changing defense is a sign that the president’s case is failing factually.

As the old courtroom adage holds, “If the facts are against you, argue the law. If the law is against you, argue the facts. If the law and the facts are against you, pound the table and yell like hell.”

Or in the 21st century: pound the media and tweet like hell.

6. Family implicated.

Until now the Russian investigation has illuminated the curious actions of Trump’s outer ring of advisers.

Michael Flynn, the fired national security adviser, lied about his conversations with Sergey Kislyak, the Russian ambassador to the United States. Attorney General Jeff Sessions failed to disclose his own meetings with Russian officials during the campaign. Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner failed to disclose meetings with Russians after the election when applying for a security clearance.

Now that the scandal has touched Trump’s son, his own flesh and blood, the Russia investigation has drawn blood for the first time.

Jefferson Morley is AlterNet’s Washington correspondent. He is the author of the forthcoming biography The Ghost: The Secret Life of CIA Spymaster James Jesus Angleton (St. Martin’s Press, October 2017) and the 2016 Kindle ebook CIA and JFK: The Secret Assassination Files.