Tag: irresponsible process

Congress Procrastinating Again In Budget Debate

For the second time this year, Congress is coming perilously close to allowing a budget dispute to shut down the federal government. If legislators cannot come to an agreement on a spending bill by Friday, then the government will be forced to shut down in a move that could devastate hopes for an economic recovery. Extreme procrastination fueled by partisan squabbling has become a disturbing trend in Washington; the current threat of a government shutdown is just the latest sign that Congress has become incapable of accomplishing even the simplest tasks before the last possible second.

This budget debate is especially frustrating because it is being held up by a debate over a tiny portion of the $4 trillion budget: federal funding for disaster relief. Congressional Republicans have made the unprecedented demand that new funding for FEMA can only come along with offsetting cuts to other programs. As a result, the United States is once again staring disaster in the face.

Even if Congress is able to come to a last second deal, it will mark the third time that it has waited until the last possible second to fulfill its basic obligations. In April, with just a few hours to go before a shutdown, President Obama, Speaker Boehner, and Majority Leader Reid reached an agreement that cut $38.5 billion in spending while funding the government through September 30th.

Just a few months later, Congress again brought the United States to the brink in their heated debate over raising the debt ceiling. Although the debt ceiling had been raised without incident 74 times since 1962 and 10 times since 2001, this time it took six months of incredibly heated partisan bickering to forge a deal just hours before the nation’s first-ever financial default.

The establishment of a deficit-reduction “Supercommittee”–which is responsible for finding $1.5 trillion in budget cuts before November 23rd–was a critical element of the debt ceiling deal. The Supercommittee is packed with partisan selections, however, and at this pace it seems certain that their negotiations will come down to the very last second as well. If Congress cannot agree to something as agreeable as funding for disaster relief, how can it be expected to agree on such large scale cuts?

Washington has been widely derided for being afflicted with partisan gridlock, but this year’s budget and debt ceiling debates show that the problem runs deeper than that. This isn’t gridlock: it’s an endless game of chicken that allows the House of Representatives to hold the American economy hostage at every opportunity.

What’s worse, these standoffs have very real consequences. The United States’ credit rating was downgraded because the debt ceiling debate dragged on for so long. A government shutdown would be a crippling blow to multiple sectors of the American economy. Furthermore, as we saw in August, even coming close to a shutdown could badly shake consumer confidence.

Yet Congress is once again willing to flirt with disaster, allowing the question of funding disaster relief for a mere 3 months–a mundane vote that both parties should be able to agree on–to escalate into a potential shutdown.

With this type of petty squabbling and procrastination that would make a high schooler blush, it’s no wonder that 8 out of 10 Americans disapprove of Congress’s job performance.

Can Obama — and Democrats — Recover From This Raw Deal?

Within hours after President Obama and Congressional Democratic leaders finally pushed through a debt-ceiling agreement with the Republicans, they were disowning their own deal. House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi voted for the bill but refused to “whip” the restive progressives in her caucus to do so. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid remarked that voters would be “unimpressed” to learn that working families had again been sacrificed to protect the wealthy. As for the president, he attacked the unfairness of the bill and the irresponsible process that produced it, while waiting to affix his signature to the thing. Then they all started talking “jobs,” suddenly restored to the top of the Washington agenda. But worried as Americans are about jobs and the economy, what may trouble them even more is the political schizophrenia that seems to afflict the Democrats.

Consider Obama’s own statements about the debt-ceiling bill in the moment of its passage: At first, he boasts that this legislation will reduce federal discretionary spending to the lowest level since the Eisenhower presidency, more than six decades ago; virtually in the next breath, he warns that the economic recovery is stalled — and declares that somehow we must help the unemployed father and the single mother whose hours have been cut back. The bill he signed will ensure that more dads are laid off, especially in the public sector, and that more moms see their wages reduced — as he certainly knows.

The president’s supporters might reply that he salvaged as much as he could from opponents who appear willing, perhaps eager, to sink the national economy, ruin American prestige, and set us on a permanent path toward decline. In the end his deal left the expiration of the Bush tax cuts in place, created a budgetary “trigger” mechanism that only cuts Medicare providers and requires large cuts in the defense budget, and kept revenue on the bargaining table in Congress (despite Republican claims to the contrary). He forced them to drop the ludicrous requirement that the Senate pass a “balanced budget amendment,” the primary objective of the Tea Party. More immediately, he seems to have prevented a downgrade in America’s credit rating, at least temporarily, while precluding a similarly destructive episode in 2012.

All that will not be enough to save Obama and the Democrats from the damaging traps they have laid for themselves next year. Unless the special new joint Congressional committee reaches agreement on well over a trillion dollars in budget reductions, an equivalent amount will automatically be cut from future budgets, divided roughly between national security and domestic discretionary spending. The defense cuts will be large enough, or so some observers believe, to encourage the Republicans to consider increasing revenues in this next phase of the negotiations. Unfortunately, there is no reason to depend on that kind of reasoned judgment from the GOP any more. House Speaker John Boehner has vowed that all the Republicans on the “SuperCongress” committee will be committed in advance to zero increases in revenue. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell thinks the brinksmanship of the past month, which drove markets down, endangered our credit rating and probably damaged the economy, was a great success. He plans to do it all again! Meanwhile Rush Limbaugh is berating Boehner and McConnell for making any deal at all, when “we could have hung [default] on Obama.”

This malevolent obstructionism is what passes for patriotic in the Republican Party today. Wrecking American prestige and power is to be encouraged, so long as the president and his party can be falsely blamed. Obama would be repeating a fatal mistake if he expects the Republican leaders to negotiate in good faith and avoid the triggered cuts next year. He ought to know by now that they care more about protecting wealthy taxpayers than they do about the military — and that they won’t care at all about the damaging economic impact of enormous, abrupt spending cuts. The Democratic leadership will care — which is why Republican intransigence could force them to capitulate again and again.

So at some point soon, the Democrats – and especially the president — will have to start playing harder and smarter or consign themselves to political impotence. They ought to be thinking about their own progressive version of a “balanced budget amendment.” They ought to be talking loudly about the right ways to save Medicare and Social Security, including gradual changes in taxes, benefits, and investments. They ought to be targeting the fattest tax breaks enjoyed by the oil industry, while promoting higher employment through energy conservation. Most of all, they must begin to make the case for ending the Bush tax cuts, especially for those earning more than $250,000 a year — because every poll indicates that is an argument they can win. And they need do nothing — which they should be able to manage — except let that profligate legislation expire on schedule.