On Thursday, the New York Times columnist called Republicans’ efforts to roll back some of the savage Medicaid cuts a “scam.” That’s because McConnell’s health care legislation dictates tax-favored health savings accounts pay insurance premiums. This would not only enable the rich to set up huge tax shelters, but subject them to marginal tax rates, providing obscene savings.
The Trumpcare bill, wrote the Republican governors of Ohio, Michigan, Arkansas, and Nevada in a letter to House and Senate leaders, “provides almost no new flexibility for states, does not ensure the resources necessary to make sure no one is left out, and shifts significant new costs to states.”
Democrats cannot limit themselves to defensive efforts to salvage the Affordable Care Act at either the federal or the state level. They need to think about a more attractive national agenda in health care that reflects the lessons of the ACA and new political realities. The coming national Democratic debate is going to focus on extending Medicare—to whom, how quickly, and under what rules will be the questions.
In stump speeches and tweets during 2016, Donald Trump repeatedly promised never to cut Social Security, Medicare — or Medicaid. But the House Obamacare repeal bill he is pushing would slash Medicaid spending by hundreds of millions of dollars, experts on the left and right agree.
We billionaires just wanted to say a quick thanks for voting for Donald Trump without paying nearly any attention to what his actual policies would be. It’s the least we can do, given that you’ve already done so much for us.
Whether we enjoy restoring natural coal-flavoring to river water or seeing the cabinet stocked with our fellow billionaires and buddies from Goldman Sachs, it’s the little things — like being allowed to destroy the climate so we can be a tiny bit richer — that we appreciate so very much.
But the real dirty secret that the GOP will likely refuse ever to admit is that its plan to eliminate the ACA is also a stealth plan to gut one of the most popular things the government has ever done that didn’t involve killing Osama bin Laden — Medicaid — while laying the ground work to gut another — Medicare.
Nobody — at least nobody in the Republican Party — seems to understand that Americans love their public health insurance much better than they like Donald Trump.
If Trump and Congress repeal Obamacare’s individual mandate and subsidies while leaving insurance market reforms in place, 32 million Americans, many of whom are Medicaid recipients, will lose their health coverage over the next 10 years.
It was not a statement one would expect to come out of the mouth of one of America’s most vocal enemies of “big government” and public sector spending. “You can’t cut Medicaid, there’s just no way about it,” Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker said on Friday, reflecting the reality a lot of top state executives are facing when it comes to the pending health care overhaul in Congress.
U.S. District Judge Sam Sparks said state health officials “likely acted to disenroll qualified health care providers from Medicaid without cause.” He said the preliminary injunction will preserve the court’s ability to render a meaningful decision on the case’s merits.
If the outrage in the streets and town halls is matched by a stunning electoral defeat in Tom Price’s Georgia district, it could put the fear of getting gnawed at the polls in the mind of the Republicans who represent swing states.
The Senate voted 52-47 on Friday to confirm Representative Tom Price as the top U.S. healthcare official, putting a determined opponent of Obamacare in position to help President Donald Trump dismantle the healthcare law. Price, in his new job, will have authority to rewrite rules implementing the 2010 Affordable Care Act.
As researchers David Himmelstein and Steffie Woolhandler explain, “The biggest and most definitive study of what happens to death rates when Medicaid coverage is expanded found that for every 455 people who gained coverage across several states, one life was saved per year. Applying that figure to even a conservative estimate of 20 million losing coverage in the event of an ACA repeal yields an estimate of 43,956 deaths annually.”
Early optimism among business lobbyists and executives that Donald Trump’s election heralded better days has slowly given way to uncertainty as the president-elect fires off mixed and sometimes confusing messages on healthcare, taxes, and trade.
“We’re going to have insurance for everybody,” Trump told the Washington Post. “There was a philosophy in some circles that if you can’t pay for it, you don’t get it. That’s not going to happen with us.” Trump was also quoted as saying in the interview that he would target pharmaceutical companies over drug pricing and insist they negotiate directly with the Medicare and Medicaid government health plans for the elderly and poor.
Seizing Trump’s campaign slogan, Senate Democratic leader Charles Schumer sternly signaled Republicans on their plans to repeal Obamacare and cut Medicare and Medicaid.
Back when the president’s health reform plan first passed, Republicans and their media echoes warned loudly about mythical “death panels” embedded in his legislation. Now, the voters who believed that nonsense are about to meet the real death panel — led by Speaker Paul Ryan, Senate leader Mitch McConnell, and Rep. Tom Price, the Georgia Republican slated to head the Department of Health and Human Services.
What did Clinton really say? And what did his words mean? He was addressing actual problems with the system under the Affordable Care Act and proposing solutions, not suggesting that the original bill’s reforms should be discarded.
Planned Parenthood and 10 of its patients sued the state of Texas on Monday to block officials from cutting off Medicaid funds, calling the state’s actions “political” and part of a long-term pattern of denying reproductive health care to women.