Then, on Friday, Trump met with German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and did it again. The public side of the summit included Trump famously refusing to shake Merkel’s hand during an Oval Office photo-op, as if he’s not satisfied with the magnitude of our national mortification. Earlier, during a joint press conference, Trump turned to Merkel and blurted, “As far as wiretapping, I guess by this past administration, at least we have something in common, perhaps.”
If we learned anything from Trump’s joint press conference with Theresa May earlier this year, it’s that Trump is incapable of meeting with a foreign head of state without embarrassing himself and his country. Friday’s summit with German Chancellor Angela Merkel proved a grim reminder.
The fear that foreigners will poison our culture or destroy our government has no basis in experience. “Basic indicators of assimilation, from naturalization to English ability, are if anything stronger now than they were a century ago,” University of Washington scholar Jacob Vigdor has written about Hispanics.
You see, he was rough-hewn, but Bush belonged to the political establishment as a genial governor when he ran. Trump is such an angry outsider that you can sense Washington wishing for the good ol’ days. Back then, presidents didn’t accuse others in the elite club of wiretapping.
Trump’s appeal is much broader. Cognitive scientist George Lakoff has spent decades studying how conservatives have won by nurturing a worldview of a powerful authority enforcing discipline through strength. Last summer, he tried to warn Democrats that Trump — despite a near total ignorance of conservative policy — was appealing to Republicans across the spectrum as well as to union workers who believe in “traditional family values” in their private lives.
Our story on March 13 concerning Secretary of Defense James Mattis’ views on the relationship between climate change and national security was based on excerpts from unpublished written exchanges between Mattis and several Democrats on the Senate Armed Services Committee following his Jan. 12 confirmation hearing.
Sessions’ uninformed claim is likely to increase jitters in the country’s nascent legal marijuana industry as it confronts an attorney general whose rhetoric so far has strongly suggested he would like to crack down on legal weed—although he has yet to take any concrete steps to do so.
But where was Steve Bannon — Marty Bannon’s big shot son, a former Goldman Sachs banker and now political adviser to Donald Trump — when he unloaded his life savings at the bottom of the market? Apparently not calling home and saying, “Dad, don’t sell your stock now.” Instead, the younger Bannon exploited his father’s financial trauma to sell his doctrine of economic nationalism — a mishmash of emotions that blames everyone but oneself.
This is only partly a dog column. It’s also about several things that have gone wrong in American political dialogue: dogmatism, disdain for facts, black-and-white thinking, name-calling, and generalized hatred of rival tribes. Also, the bad effects of social media. People just don’t abuse each other in person the way they do on social media. It’s a coward’s idea of tough.
Dutch far-right candidate Geert Wilders had pledged to close the Netherlands’ borders to Muslim immigrants, shut mosques, ban sales of the Quran, and leave the European Union if he won the election.
Earlier in the campaign, Trump had been more nuanced about the Obama administration’s diplomatic coup, which in exchange for the lifting of economic sanctions puts Iran’s nuclear weapons program on ice for a decade. In 2015 he told NBC, “It’s very hard to say ‘We’re ripping it up.’” And on MSNBC, also in 2015, he said, “We have a horrible contract, but we have a contract.”
Less than a month after much-admired Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster took over from Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn as national security adviser, Trump’s alter-ego Steve Bannon appears to be more in control of U.S. foreign policy than ever. There is little sign McMaster will be able to restore traditional U.S. foreign policy commitments to NATO and […]
Steve King’s latest white nationalist tweet reflects a long history of racist remarks and reactionary policy promoted by the Iowa Republican.
With his cryptic tweeted reference to a corruption-fighting commission in New York, did the fired U.S. Attorney send a message that Trump had tried to cut off a threatening federal investigation?
What would happen if you gathered an architect, an engineer, an interior designer, and a concrete guy to price out and “build” Trump’s unnecessary Mexico border wall? Stephen Colbert put this scenario to the test, and you can imagine how quickly it all unraveled.
It’s a fallacy to believe progressives can fix America’s acrimony by changing their attitudes. I am all for reaching out. But it helps to have someone else reaching back.
At a press conference, Speaker Paul Ryan called the GOP health care bill “an act of mercy.” For the most vulnerable, that characterization is ironic at best.
Since almost immediately after his inauguration as 45th president of the United States, Donald Trump has been claiming credit for what he sees as a miraculous recovery in the nation’s economy. But how much credit is actually due to his administration?
Get out your calendars and mark a circle around March 16. That’s the date when Congress expects President Donald Trump to present his “skinny budget” outline for the upcoming fiscal year.
Polluters have been whining about the EPA since it was signed into existence 47 years ago by that radical environmentalist Richard Nixon. Conflict was inevitable, and the EPA has been regularly vilified for meddling in local matters.
The AHCA is rightly being derided as a cruddy facsimile of Obamacare that massively shifts wealth from the lowest income brackets to the highest. The rationales for foisting this botch on the not-so-well-to-do are grounded in that old conservative disposition to blame the poor for their poverty.
The Trump foreign policy chaos is likely to accelerate centrifugal forces in the global system that will be the death-knell of American exceptionalism and leadership, hastening a rebalancing of global power with the United States as just another player.
When the AFL-CIO and other critics of right-to-work laws describe them as “right-to-work-for-less” laws, they aren’t merely being rhetorical; research demonstrates that right-to-work promotes inferior working conditions.
In his new book, Antony Loewenstein analyzes not only how natural disasters and war can be vehicles for capitalist policies, but how corporations push their neoliberal agenda and rake in enormous sums of cash, from immigration, refugee detention, prisons, and discoveries of natural resource reserve