If these polls are anywhere near correct, it shows Trump is still ahead in reliably red counties—reliably red in that a majority voted for a Republican presidential candidate in 2012. However, a majority of voters in crossover counties, who previously supported Obama, have abandoned Trump.
With its echoes of Richard Nixon’s infamous “Saturday Night Massacre” during Watergate, to fire Robert Mueller sounds like an insane, almost suicidal proposition. And yet when asked by George Stephanopoulos on ABC News’ This Week whether the president would promise not to interfere with the special counsel probe, his lawyer Jay Sekulow offered no such guarantee — feeding speculation about what Trump might do.
Danziger is old enough to remember the bad old days of Nixon, Watergate, and the Saturday Night Massacre in October 1973 — and suddenly those memories seem exceptionally vivid.
Polluters have been whining about the EPA since it was signed into existence 47 years ago by that radical environmentalist Richard Nixon. Conflict was inevitable, and the EPA has been regularly vilified for meddling in local matters.
Not since Nixon has the United States had a leader who believes so strongly that there is an orchestrated campaign to undermine his presidency. And the revelations over months about contacts between Russian officials and Trump advisers remind some of the slow beginnings of the Watergate scandal.
The Trump administration’s press strategy is clear: delegitimize mainstream news organizations, especially those that produce critical reporting that jeopardizes its efforts, while lifting up unabashed propaganda outlets. And his fans love it.
Do Trump and his associates have something to hide — something even bigger and uglier than Watergate? The ferocity of their reactions certainly arouses suspicion, and so did their peculiar effort to conceal the misconduct of fired national security adviser Michael Flynn, which they attempted to hide even from the hapless vice president.
There was once a president who attacked the news media, surrounded himself with fascist-minded thugs, and left office facing impeachment. Now dead, he way well reside in hell, as Danziger suggests. But contemplating the current occupant of the Oval Office, Republicans may still recall Richard Nixon with nostalgia.
In a sharp break with the Obama administration, which distanced itself from harsh anti-drug rhetoric and emphasized treatment for drug users over punishment, President Trump this week reverted to tough drug war oratory and backed it up with a series of executive orders he said were “designed to restore safety in America.”
At the end of last week’s Women’s March, hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children wearing knitted pink pussy (cat) hats exited the Mall and poured up 15th street, next to the Treasury Building and just one block from the East Wing of the White House. Only 24 hours after his swearing-in, the 45th president was publicly pilloried in Nixon-era-like protests. As one veteran sixties agitator predicted after spending the day at the march in Washington, “Trump is our new Vietnam.”
Trump made scores of promises he could not possibly fulfill. The biggest was the same one fascist strongmen always offer: transcendent national renewal, built upon the cleansing of dangerous untermenschen from the body politic.
The GOP is trying to figure out what to do when its public face resembles a rodeo clown like Sean Hannity, and when so many Republican voters live inside the right-wing, fact-free, Rush Limbaugh bubble that Trump so firmly embraced.
Watergate, a saga that began with the discovery of a “third-rate burglary” at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in a Washington hotel but soon exploded into a mind-blowing criminal operation at the highest levels in the White House, the Justice Department, the CIA, and the FBI itself.
Among his greatest hits: Stone takes credit for bringing down Client 9—otherwise known as former New York Governor Eliot Spitzer—by parlaying intel he got from an off-duty prostitute he met in a sex club into an FBI tip about a Democrat who hired hookers and never removed his socks. Before that, he organized the so-called Brooks Brothers riot in the Miami-Dade County clerk’s office that stopped the 2000 election recount and arguably gave America the presidency of George W. Bush
When the Veep steers the ship, at times it’s right into the rocks. Whatever your political party, remember Sarah Palin, the unserious pick made by John McCain, the elderly 2008 Republican standard-bearer.
It will likely be the most highly viewed debate in the history of the world — and here’s why it could be the most consequential.
The Trump campaign, which Giuliani frequently represents as a surrogate, has used the phrase in reference to “radical Islamic terrorism,” illegal immigration, crime rates in cities, the status of law enforcement in American culture, and one-off events like the murder of five Dallas police offices.
Trump’s law and order also carries a not-at-all-veiled racial subtext. He will use the law to impose order on “them” (undocumented immigrants, African-Americans protesting racially biased policing, Muslims) in order to protect “us” (white Americans).
This spring, Donald Trump added a new phrase to the stock of improvised riffs he throws out at his rallies: “I love my protesters.” And if my Twitter mentions are any indication, there are a lot of people who think they know why: disruptions inside or outside Trump’s events just might help elect him president. But the people using my historical work to make this particular argument need to read it less selectively and more attentively.
In this special Memorial Day excerpt from Witness To the Revolution, her new oral history of the upheavals at the end of the Sixties, author Clara Bingham brings us voices of the pathbreaking protesters who stood up as Vietnam Veterans Against the War.
Inmates can be placed by a judge into a for-profit mental health program in a prison and be detained there past the end of the sentence.
David Greenberg examines the complex relationship between our politics-driven media and our media-driven politics in his new book.