Tag: 2012 presidential candidate

Perry’s Medicaid ‘Reforms’: $500 Million Misspent With Lethal Consequences In Texas

Both as governor of Texas and as the leading Republican presidential candidate, Rick Perry has established himself as a critic of federal programs – and in particular as a “state’s rights” advocate who accuses Washington of gross ineptitude and waste in providing services such as health care for the poor and elderly. In his 2010 book Fed Up and his campaign speeches, Perry has often asserted that the states could perform far better if they were simply left to do the job without federal interference.

“It is through states that the American people get the job done every day,” he wrote in Fed Up, “often in spite of a deeply flawed bureaucratic federal government.” Late last year, when he was urging Texas to drop out of Medicaid altogether, he said, “We know how to deliver healthcare to more people in a less expensive way than what the federal government doe [sic]. I need more states need to stand up and say we don’t want your strings attached. We don’t want you down here telling us how to run our business.” If only Texas could operate wholly independently of federal rules, he insisted, “you will see more people in the state of Texas who will have more coverage and frankly we’ll save money at the end of the day, as will the federal government.”

Although Perry was forced to abandon that scheme when a state report showed that leaving Medicaid would cost Texas billions and leave even more Texans uninsured, he still claims that the federal government should stop trying to make sure that more Americans have health care – and that programs run solely by the states would be more efficient and effective. But the “golden teeth” Medicaid scandal in Texas, now under investigation by the inspector general of the Department of Health and Human Services, has exposed those claims to fresh scrutiny. A Dallas TV station reported that Perry appointees have allowed tens of millions of dollars to be misspent on orthodontic braces for children who don’t need them – with huge profits for private dental clinics owned by Wall Street hedge funds.

And that is not the only aspect of Perry’s Texas record that belies his boast. One of the most embarrassing episodes during his first two terms as governor involved a plan to let private firms run Medicaid, replacing state employees. The privatization plan was an “innovation” that was supposed to save money. What it accomplished instead was to earn enormous sums for contractors like Deloitte Touch and Accenture, along with their Texas lobbyists, while costing Texas taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars – and all without achieving its most basic objectives.

Four years after the plan was implemented in 2003, the Austin American-Statesman published a thorough report on its results, and what the newspaper found was a project “in shambles.” The state had been forced to cancel its contract with the Accenture group and continue to use state employees to perform necessary work on an outdated computer system, exactly the same as before Perry’s privatization scheme began. How much had this great innovation cost the state? Approximately $500 million, not including the amount spent using the old system, at roughly $1 million a month.

Perry’s fiasco wasted more than money and time, however. As the Statesman reported, it may well have cost a 14 year-old boy named Devante Johnson his life. Left without health insurance for several months because of the Texas Medicaid enrollment bureaucracy, the Houston boy could not get treatment in time to save him from the kidney cancer that eventually killed him in March 2007.
But none of this fazed Perry at all. He went on to reappoint the Texas health and human services commissioner who had overseen the entire fiasco to another term – and then to run for president as the candidate who will reform the federal entitlement systems.

Clinton Calls Perry “A Good-Looking Rascal”

Former President Bill Clinton told a New York firefighters conference on Monday that he was “tickled” by watching Rick Perry announce his Presidential candidacy, and that he thinks that the Texas Governor is “a good-looking rascal.”

Clinton went on to criticize Perry’s disdain for the federal government.

“And he’s saying ‘Oh, I’m going to Washington to make sure that the federal government stays as far away from you as possible — while I ride on Air Force One and that Marine One helicopter and go to Camp David and travel around the world and have a good time,’” Clinton said. “I mean, this is crazy.”

Clinton seems rather amused by “Governor Good Hair.” Many politicians and pundits believe that Perry is a serious challenger for the White House, but Clinton does not seem to be among them.

Michele Bachmann’s Greatest Hits

Two recent profiles of Republican presidential candidate Michele Bachmann — one from Ryan Lizza of the New Yorker and another from The Daily Beast’s Lois Romano — shed some light on the contradictory nature of her campaign: She’s used the rock-solid support of the far-right to build a serious campaign, but she has only maintained their loyalty by spouting beliefs (see: calling Democratic members of Congress “un-American,” dire warnings about the homosexual agenda) that make her seem like a visitor from the political fringe.

Bachmann sent a strong message that she must be reckoned with during the June 13 presidential debate in New Hampshire, impressing the political chattering class with a mix of certainty — she was willing to openly say that she would not vote for the debt ceiling — and made-for-TV polish . Lizza argues that Bachmann’s success there “was mainly the result of her clear enunciation of Tea Party talking points,” and Romano agrees that “when others meandered or waffled, she shot back with answers that reduced Washington’s dysfunctional gridlock to understandable soundbites.”

Bachmann’s statements often cross the line from understandable to deeply puzzling, however. Lizza’s profile picks out some of her greatest hits:

In the spring of 2009, during what appeared to be the beginnings of a swine-flu epidemic, Bachmann said, “I find it interesting that it was back in the nineteen-seventies that the swine flu broke out then under another Democrat President, Jimmy Carter. And I’m not blaming this on President Obama—I just think it’s an interesting coincidence.Bachmann said in 2004 that being gay is “personal enslavement,” and that, if same-sex marriage were legalized, “little children will be forced to learn that homosexuality is normal and natural and that perhaps they should try it.” Speaking about gay-rights activists, that same year, she said, “It is our children that is the prize for this community.”

In “Christianity and the Constitution,” the book she worked on with [John Eidsmoe,] her law-school mentor, he argues that John Jay, Alexander Hamilton, and John Adams “expressed their abhorrence for the institution” and explains that “many Christians opposed slavery even though they owned slaves.” They didn’t free their slaves, he writes, because of their benevolence. “It might be very difficult for a freed slave to make a living in that economy; under such circumstances setting slaves free was both inhumane and irresponsible.”

Extremely controversial statements such as these have helped Bachmann’s campaign capture countless headlines and many fanatical followers within the Tea Party movement. In a Republican primary where a sizable percentage of the electorate at least until recently didn’t believe that Barack Obama is a legitimate American citizen, much less a legitimate president, Bachmann’s willingness to play to the far-right wing has positioned her as the chief challenger to Mitt Romney’s more conventional bid for the nomination.

But while playing to the Tea Party has made Bachmann a player in the race for the GOP nomination, it may end up killing her chances of actually reaching the White House. In a recently released New York Times/CBS News poll, 40 percent of those polled characterized their view of the Tea Party as “not favorable;” that number is a sharp increase from the 18 percent “not favorable” respondents indicated in an April poll. This is an obvious hurdle for the woman who many have dubbed as the “Tea Party Queen.”

Furthermore, some on the right are beginning to question whether or not Bachmann’s record matches her rhetoric. Romano writes:

Democrats—and some of Bachmann’s Republican opponents—have noted the gulf between her rhetoric and record. She earned a federal salary as a lawyer for the IRS (an agency despised by the Tea Party), for example. Pressed on whether she took Americans to court to force them to pay back taxes, she answers carefully. “Our employer was the United States Department of Treasury. That’s who paid my salary,” she says. “And the client that we represented was the IRS.” She also says that the job opened her eyes to the “huge bureaucracy and how devastating high taxes are on almost every sector of the economy… farmers and families and small businesses and individuals.Bachmann owned a stake in her father-in-law’s farm that received more than $250,000 in federal agriculture subsidies between 1995 and 2008. She says that money all stayed with her in-laws. In Congress, she tried to secure more than $3.7 million in federal earmarks for her district–the kind of pet projects she has blamed for excessive spending. And she railed against Obama’s $800 billion–plus Recovery Act as wasteful, then signed a half-dozen letters seeking stimulus funds for local projects. Her requests in 2009 echoed the arguments Republicans lampooned Obama for using. A bridge project could create nearly 3,000 jobs a year, Bachmann wrote, while a highway project would “promote economic prosperity.”

As Bachmann deploys hard-right rhetoric to bring her closer to the nomination, moderate and independent voters will become more nervous about the prospect of her in the White House, and Republicans, known for settling on establishment-approved picks who have earned their party’s nod, may reject her, too.

Rick Perry “Called” To Run

Texas Governor Rick Perry sounds more and more like a presidential candidate each day; he’s even taken the now-customary GOP leap of ordaining his candidacy with a Holy aura.

“I’m not ready to tell you that I’m ready to announce that I’m in,” Gov. Rick Perry recently told The Des Moines Register. “But I’m getting more and more comfortable every day that this is what I’ve been called to do. This is what America needs.”

We can expect an announcement sometime in August, and when he does get in, the Michele Bachmanns and Tim Pawlentys of the world will be in deep trouble, as their candidacies are all about adhering strictly to a GOP orthodoxy that comes naturally to Perry.