Tag: anti racism
Excerpt From ‘Beyond Charlottesville’: A 2019 Call To Action

Excerpt From ‘Beyond Charlottesville’: A 2019 Call To Action

In Beyond Charlottesville: Taking A Stand Against White Nationalism, former Virginia Governor Terry McAuliffe brings readers inside the tragic events of August 2017, which shattered America’s confidence in racial progress, exposed the raw aggression of white supremacy, and proved that the current president of the United States is on the wrong side. McAuliffe provides a fascinating minute-by-minute account of a government confronted by sinister violence — and in the epilogue that follows, he challenges every decent American with a call to action that we can ignore only at grave peril to our nation’s future.

 

Two years after Charlottesville, the blunt reality is we find ourselves in danger of not living up to the legacy of that tragic weekend in August 2017. Heather Heyer’s mother, Susan Bro, made the point at her daughter’s memorial service that the Nazi James Fields tried to silence her daughter with his act of terrorism, weaponizing his car against that crowd of peaceful protesters. “Well, guess what,” she said. “You just magnified her.” Susan urged everyone inspired by Heather’s death, whether they live in Charlottesville or another part of Virginia or anywhere around the world, to use it as an inspiration to get out there and work for change. “You make it happen,” she said. “You take that extra step. You find a way to make a difference in the world.”

Susan Bro handled the loss of her daughter with great dignity and grace. Since Heather’s death she has followed her own advice and gone to work, traveling the country to give talks urging people to get involved and actively work for change and social justice. Saying the right things isn’t enough. Action counts. As Robert F. Kennedy put it, “Progress is a nice word, but change is its motivator. And change has its enemies.”

When I talked recently to Susan Bro, looking back on Charlottesville after almost two years, she said she’d like to see more of a sense of urgency from more people. “Heather helped to open my eyes to a lot of things I’d been putting my head in the sand about,” Susan told me. “If after Charlottesville we just talk about ‘Love one another’ and have a kumbaya moment here, then we accomplish nothing, then we’re back to square one.”

Racism has been deeply ingrained in the fabric of our country throughout our history, and people have tried to shove it under the rug, again and again, citing progress. In Virginia, even with racist symbols all around, and some Virginia license plates still being issued with Confederate flags until I banned the practice, a jolt was needed to move us beyond the genteel sense of complacency. Charlottesville provided more than a jolt. It was a lightning bolt. Charlottesville lit up the scourge of racism and hatred of others as it really is, in the here and now. That spotlight offered an opportunity, but we have only a limited window to use that opportunity to leverage real change.

“If we don’t do it now, then we definitely wasted an opportunity—and wasted a life, frankly,” Susan told me. “That’s what I go around the country telling people.”

Then we wasted three lives, I’d say, including my friends Jay Cullen and Berke Bates. But this is larger than three lives and all the lives they touched. This is about all of us, who we are, how we live, and what we tolerate and don’t tolerate. This is about what we demand and don’t demand, of ourselves and others.

“The focus on Heather has tended to put a white savior complex yet again on black issues,” Susan told me. “I’ve had to be very adamant about pulling back on that and saying, ‘No, Heather is just a small part of the story.’ This was an awakening for a lot of white people, but black people were already quite well aware of the hateful agendas of some of the hate groups.”

That’s a point I heard from every African American I talked to about Charlottesville.

“White people are now getting the opportunity to see that we are not a post-racial society, just because President Obama was elected, and this is not just about Trump,” Charlottesville City Council member Wes Bellamy told me. “There are a lot of people who practice both covert and overt racism. So what do we do? Do we change policies? Do white people lend their voice as well as their privilege to be able to help out those who are disenfranchised? I think we can do that. . . . A lot of people could take a cue from Governor McAuliffe. He hired the first black secretary of the commonwealth. He restored voting rights. He took action and worked for equality. That’s how you use your privilege. That’s what you do.”

Levar Stoney thinks that after Charlottesville, there is no going back on issues of race. “You know from the history of Virginia that we’ve been very genteel in our treatment of racism,” he said. “We’re very passive about it. Like: We’re not as bad as Alabama, we’re not as bad as Georgia, we’re not as bad as Mississippi. But it’s baked into our way of life. After Charlottesville, there’s an attitude that we’re not going to be genteel, we’re not going to be passive. We need to be active, not just in dismantling the symbols of racism, but in how we remove inequality from our institutions like education and housing to build a more just and equitable society.”

I was frustrated during my time as governor at how much time gets wasted by people who should be working for real change. People love to play small ball. They get caught up in things that just don’t matter. I used to sit in my office with Jennie O’Holleran and my policy team, saying, “Honestly, are you serious? Why am I having to spend my time vetoing ridiculous bills passed by the Republican legislature that would allow guns into emergency shelters, or prevent a baker from selling a cake to a gay couple?” That shocked me. I think back now on all the time that was wasted, and all the work we have to do, but we can never make real progress until a full sense of urgency kicks in.

“White people don’t get it,” Larry Sabato says. “We don’t feel the sting of racism and don’t have the history of insult and hurt that African Americans have. Until whites do get it, progress is going to be limited. We’ll never make lasting progress if we pre-tend race isn’t still central to many of the problems that bedevil us. Maybe Charlottesville was the shock to the system we all needed to jumpstart real dialogue. Charlottesville ended the myth, or the dream, that racial reconciliation had mainly happened. Race is still a sore subject even in liberal communities like Charlottesville. In America as a whole, racism is woven into the very fabric of our institutions and our economy.”

Really, in the end it doesn’t matter who was surprised to see such raw racism and hatred on proud display in the streets of Charlottesville that weekend, it matters what we do. Virginia has made progress, but we have a long way to go. Why does Virginia have 378 monuments to the Civil War? Quit worrying about the cost. The cost to society of not removing them is much greater. We’re bold and brave enough to get it done. It’s time to take action. We have to start by giving local authorities decision-making power over what to do with their monuments and clear the way for action. The bottom line is: Those monuments are just offensive, and there is plenty of room to put them in museums and cemeteries.

“I think that what happened in Charlottesville has really been a catalyst in ways,” A. C. Thompson told me. “It was a catalyst for the white supremacist movement to collapse on itself, and a catalyst for Americans to realize they need to be aware of these issues.

A lot of folks knew there were aggressive racists in their community and they didn’t say anything about it or do anything about it. Afterward they did speak up, sometimes against people in their family. It activated people in the workplace. It activated people on the campuses. It activated people in politics. It activated law enforcement. I think there are a lot of actions that have sprung from the awful tragedy in Charlottesville.”

In some ways Donald Trump has served as an excuse. Having so unfit a figure in the White House has tied us all up in knots, fixated on his latest antics or tweets, his latest self-serving insults or distractions, his latest failure to see beyond his narrow self-interest or that of his family. Everyone gets so riled up all the time talking Trump this, and Trump that; it can be paralyzing for many. Trump is only a part of the bigger problem. Having him out of the White House will be a start—but only a start.

As Congressman John Lewis told me, “It’s not enough, but it will be a down payment on moving toward enough. I just think that he’s made the country so much worse off when it comes to the issue of building a community, of building a nation that is free. I thought we were on our way down that road, but every now and then there’s some force that comes along and arrests that progress.” Visiting John Lewis to talk about Charlottesville, two years later, was a very special moment. His wisdom moved me and I’m very thankful to him for the powerful foreword he wrote to this book.

Talking to John Lewis is like walking through living history—and that was especially true that day. By chance Robert F. Kennedy Jr. stopped by for a picture; he insisted on a photo with the three of us, and it was amazing to step into Congressman Lewis’s office. The walls were covered with incredible pictures cataloguing a remarkable life, but there was only one bust in that room: a bust of Robert F. Kennedy, attorney general in his brother Jack Kennedy’s administration, fierce fighter for civil rights, father of the man standing next to me. Bobby Kennedy stood for eloquence backed up by action.

“Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.” Bobby Kennedy was a fighter. John Lewis is a fighter. I’m a fighter. You have to be a fighter and also work for social change. I’m proud of the work we all did in Virginia, starting with restoring the voting rights of all those individuals who had served their time and paid their debt to society and deserved to feel like full citizens again. I’m proud of moving the commonwealth of Virginia for- ward, socially and economically, of sending the signal to the world that Virginia is for lovers, we’re an open and welcoming state with a twenty-first-century economy and a vision of the future.

Our work during my time as governor was a start, but only a start—and we’ve all been reminded since then how fleeting progress can be. African Americans find blackface to be disgusting and insulting, and they’re right. It was a painful episode when the Virginia governor and attorney general were both embroiled in blackface scandals, especially after we’d spent four years moving Virginia forward. “It makes me sad,” John Lewis told me. “I know some people say, ‘Well, it was another time, another period, another day, they were much younger.’ But we cannot continue. We’re in a different world.” Every day we were focused on blackface in Virginia, we were distracted from the work at hand. As John Lewis says, progress was arrested. We have too much work to do to let ourselves be slowed down. We have too many challenges that demand immediate action, from improving the educational opportunities of every young person in this country to generating the good-paying jobs that are the ultimate answer to economic inequality; from helping displaced workers retrain for the twenty-first-century economy to expanding Medicaid and continuing in the decades-long struggle to improve health care in this country. We need fresh energy, not distractions, which is why I’m so excited to see so much engagement among the young and so many smart, dynamic, qualified younger people getting into politics and nonprofit work in a variety of roles.

To bring more people into politics, we have to reach out to them, especially in less affluent communities. The young can’t be inspired, and inspire us in turn, if no one gives them a chance. As Lamont Bagby told me: “Those individuals need resources. They need to be able to come down and see the Virginia House of Delegates in action. They need to go to Washington, DC, and see people in action. They just need to be inspired. They inspire us; we need to make sure that they know the opportunities that are before them.”

Until every American and every elected official gets out of bed every single day fighting for social justice and equal opportunity, we are failing as a society. Until we get there, it’s all just talk. We have to do a better job at home and in our schools, teaching respect and valuing differences and not sugar-coating the past as heritage rather than inherited racism. We have to take away the barriers to success that affect so many in our communities of color. We have to tackle lack of access to quality health care, mass incarceration, disproportionate prison sentencing and mandatory minimums, and the “lock ’em up” mentality. We’ve got too many African American students going to dilapidated schools with the roofs falling apart. The issues that Barbara Johns fought for in 1951 are still all too prevalent. Infant mortality rates in African American communities, like Milwaukee, are a scandal. We have to get out of the past and move to the future.

“We have to fix the systems that cause the divide,” Susan Bro told me. “We have to fix the inequities, or we’re going to end up right back in the same place. In education, housing, business loans, we have to undo the wrongs of the past. Somebody might say they want to undo all that, but are they willing to put their kids in a public school? Or are they only willing to say they want to be a part of the process, but only from the outside?”

The truth was revealed in Charlottesville. We are a divided nation today, stuck in the past, racism still rampant. “As bad as it might have been, it was under wraps until Donald Trump got elected,” Virginia state senator Louise Lucas, who represents Portsmouth, told me. “He tore the lid off of the reservations people had about being open about it.”

Lucas, who was born in 1944, also said, “I have not seen so much hate and vitriol in my adult life. I haven’t seen so much since the early days of the Civil Rights Movement.”

Young people were the key to change then and they can be the key now, she believes.

“We have to stay in the trenches with them, making them feel they are part of the process,” she said. “We have to make sure that their active minds have something to think about and their busy hands have something to do. We have to keep them engaged to let them know there is hope, everybody working together, Generation X and Millennials and all generations.

If you were offended, disgusted, and outraged by what happened in Charlottesville, good! Then it’s your responsibility to do something about it. Up until Trump, and up until Charlottesville, race was something that, too often, people didn’t want to talk about. There was a notion kicking around that we’d corrected the problem. That was false. People felt too comfortable in their insular little worlds.

My message to everybody is: Stop being comfortable. Stop believing we’ve come so far. As Charlottesville has proven, we haven’t. I’d like to thank all the peaceful protesters who came out in Charlottesville to oppose hate. That wasn’t comfortable. You won’t feel comfortable when you’re out there working for change.

You won’t feel comfortable taking on hatred and bigotry. Forget reconciliation commissions. Words, words, words. It’s a bunch of white people sitting around together trying to feel comfortable to talk a problem to death, but it doesn’t bring change. Action brings change. Do something. Do it now.

From Beyond Charlottesville: Taking A Stand Against White Nationalism by Governor Terry McAuliffe. Copyright (c) 2019 by the author and reprinted by permission of Thomas Dunne Books / St. Martin’s Press.

 

Second Women’s March Again Brings Massive Protest Crowds Into Streets

Second Women’s March Again Brings Massive Protest Crowds Into Streets

It’s been exactly a year since the historic 2017 Women’s March, which brought millions out to protest Trump’s inauguration, flooding the streets of the nation with pink knitted hats. Millions have taken to the streets again this weekend for the Women’s March 2018, empowered by the #MeToo movement against sexual harassment and fed up with Trump’s increasingly authoritarian and anti-immigrant policies, his war-mongering and his tantrum-centric presidency.

This year’s march arrived just one day after Trump’s attempt to block Planned Parenthood funding and amid a dramatic government shutdown centering on immigration. The shutdown came as Democrats and several Republicans refused to accept the border wall funding and deportation policies proposed by the Trump administration and the GOP in the federal funding bill. It marks the first successful government shutdown under a single party controlling Congress, and has become a big theme of the second Women’s March.

From Twitter:

 

Hundreds of Women’s March anniversary events are already underway or kicking off this weekend in every U.S. state. You can look up an event in your state and watch a live feed of today’s events on the Women’s March website.

The central organized 2018 Women’s March event is a Power to the Polls demonstration in Las Vegas on Sunday, focused on mobilizing national voter registration for the upcoming midterm election, which could reshape U.S. politics.

In Chicago, the turnout for the second Women’s March march had already exceeded last year’s numbers by 11:30am, with more than 250,000 people descending on downtown. In Los Angeles, a Weekend of Women movement kicked off Saturday morning with 200,000 expected attendees.

In New York City, hundreds of thousands filled more than 20 city blocks as the 2018 Women’s March kicked off at 11:30am in Columbus Circle and Central Park West, as Patch.com reports. Exact turnout is yet to be determined. Attendees interviewed by the New York Times on Saturday reported crowds that filled city blocks, though didn’t pack them quite as full as last year’s march.

Some the largest crowds of the second Women’s March are in Washington D.C., San FranciscoLos AngelesPhiladelphiaSeattleDenver, and even Rome, Italy. More than 250 additional cities and towns throughout the country and the world have also drawn large crowds.

April M. Short is a freelance writer who focuses on health, wellness and social justice. She previously worked as AlterNet’s drugs and health editor. 

Hundreds of thousands marched down Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, D.C. during the Women’s March, January 21, 2017. REUTERS/Bryan Woolston

#EndorseThis: Macy’s Thanksgiving Parade Delivers Musical Message To Bigots

#EndorseThis: Macy’s Thanksgiving Parade Delivers Musical Message To Bigots

The cast of Hairspray wowed the Macy’s Thanksgiving Day parade audience with a special performance of “You Can’t Stop The Beat,” starring Ariana Grande. Its anti-bigotry message of unstoppable social progress seems especially apt as we consider what may lie ahead for our country today.

Sports Is No Place for Anti-Semitic Salutes

Sports Is No Place for Anti-Semitic Salutes

French soccer player Nicolas Anelka spurred controversy Saturday after flashing what supporters have called an innocuous gesture in celebration of his first goal with West Bromwich Albion. The gesture — called a “quenelle” and sometimes described as a reverse Nazi salute, with one arm extended downward and the other hand touching its shoulder — has once again raised accusations of anti-Semitism in a sport that has a long and complicated history with Jews.

At the very least, Anelka should have know better, given recent, high-profile backlash against anti-Semitism in soccer. In March, Greek footballer Giorgos Katidis was banned for life from the national team after giving a Nazi salute, despite his protests that he was unaware of the gesture’s meaning. In November 2012, some West Ham United fans were arrested and banned by the club for participating in crowdwide taunting of Tottenham, a team with strong associations to the Jewish community. The horrific showing involved a coordinated Nazi salute, chanting, and hissing to mimic the sound of gas chambers, and came just days after a Spurs fan had been stabbed in Rome in a suspected hate crime. West Ham fans denied that their actions were racially motivated, insisting that the gestures and chants were just part of their usual rally cry, “I’m Forever Blowing Bubbles.”

Anelka is taking the same approach, claiming his use of the quenelle was misunderstood. After making the gesture, he defended himself on Twitter, insisting that the quenelle was simply a tribute to a friend, and even posting a photo of what he said was President Barack Obama making the same gesture. Both claims are dubious: Obama was, in fact, mimicking the gesture from the Jay Z classic “Dirt Off Your Shoulder” alongside the rapper himself; and the friend Anelka was honoring has an anti-Semitic streak that is anything but simple.

You see, the quenelle is the invention and trademark of Dieudonné M’Bala M’Bala, a French comedian and anti-Semitic activist whose humor and politics tend to come at the expense of Holocaust victims. According to the BBC, the gesture is a variation on the bras d’honneur, which means “up yours,” and can be traced back to the comedian’s performances as well as his 2009 campaign for a seat in the European Parliament as the head of an anti-Zionist party. The BBC notes that Dieudonné “once said he would like to put a quenelle — a rugby-ball-shaped serving of fish or meat paste — up the backside of Zionists.” The comedian has been repeatedly fined and convicted for hate speech, and the French Interior Ministry is exploring its legal options in banning Dieudonné from the public sphere.

The controversy has extended to U.S. shores, with San Antonio Spurs guard Tony Parker drawing criticism for making the quenelle alongside the comedian in a recently circulated photo. The Belgium-born NBA star and French citizen apologized today for the three-year-old photo, saying he was unaware of the offensive connotation of the gesture and hoping that this can serve as a teachable moment for those who dismiss it as a harmless part of French culture.

Anelka’s supporters, including Dieudonné himself, euphemistically maintain that the gesture isn’t anti-Semitic, it’s anti-establishment. Coming from someone who’s paranoid that the establishment is run by Jews, the two aren’t mutually exclusive, and the distinction isn’t exactly reassuring. Dieudonné’s rise in the public eye has mirrored a rise in anti- Semitic violence in France, a country with half a million Jewish residents, the third-largest Jewish population behind the U.S. and Israel. A 2007 profile of Dieudonné in The New Yorker traces many of these attacks to the comedian’s status as a folk hero among the North African immigrants living in ghettos outside of Paris, who have found themselves at the heart of burgeoning xenophobia, with white French citizens viewing demographic shifts as a threat to their national identity. Dieudonné has found a following among the far-left immigrants and youths who far too easily fall into the ancient trap of scapegoating the Jewish population for broad, societal issues, from the ills of capitalism to racism. The New Yorker’s Tom Reiss wrote about the movement:

“Dieudonné is the spokesman, the godfather, the icon of a new kind of anti-Semitism,” Alain Finkielkraut, the philosopher and memoirist of Jewish identity, told me. “It is an explicitly anti-racist anti-Semitism, which inverts traditional anti-Semitism by asserting that the Nazis today are in fact the Jews. The idiom of anti-Semitism is no longer racism; it is now anti-racism. Dieudonné’s followers say that they don’t hate Jews, they hate Jewish racism. They say that Israel is like Nazism, like apartheid.”

The French divide along color lines is especially stark in soccer. In 2011, reports that the national team had met to discuss instituting racial quotas drew ire, a far cry from the unity inspired by the 1998 World Cup champion team that boasted as its hallmark “Black, Blanc, Beur” — black, white, Arab. That success was short-lived, with far-right politicians questioning the very Frenchness of players of African descent, highlighted by the very public calling-out by National Front leader Jean- Marie Le Pen of captain Zinedine Zidane, whose parents emigrated from Algeria under French rule. A recent report by the American Center for Democracy that uses soccer as a measure for immigrant integration in Europe notes the social and cultural disintegration that has occurred in France as a result of political dysfunction and economic failure is highlighted in soccer’s inability to reconcile its racial issues.

And so we return to sports. By flashing the gesture, Anelka — himself the child of Caribbean immigrants — emboldened legions of fans caught in the midst of convoluted and often contradictory racial tension to follow the lead of an opportunistic comedian and his anti-Semitic message. We don’t know if Anelka himself is anti-Semitic, and it doesn’t really matter: What does matter is how the gesture can be interpreted to further an agenda meant to divide, not unite. It would serve him best to simply stay out of these political issues that are far more complicated than he probably realizes. At least someone in the footballer’s camp has advised him as such: West Brom confirmed today that Anelka would refrain from using the quenelle going forward. It seems it’s much easier to dismiss an innocent gesture when you’re unaware of its harmful implications.

Kavitha A. Davidson is a Bloomberg View columnist who writes about sports. Follow her on Twitter at @kavithadavidson

Photo: Dan Brown via Flickr