Tag: social justice
Mike Pence

Twelve Of His Former Officials Explain Why Trump Was The Worst Boss Ever (VIDEO)

As a filmmaker and documentarian who has made scores of social justice movies and videos, there’s one aspect of Donald Trump’s latest bid for the presidency I can’t get over.

People who worked in the Oval Office with Trump and acted on his orders — most are Republicans — keep saying he must not be president again.

More than a dozen of Trump’s cabinet members and White House aides have not just said he must never hold power again, they have publicly said why — although those career-threatening admissions and warnings have got lost in today’s media. Trump, in their estimation, is “thin-skinned,” “easily distracted,” “a troubled man,” “clearly irrational,” “has nothing but contempt for our democratic institutions,” seen by foreign leaders as “a laughing fool.”

So my staff and I compiled a 90-second video to remind people who might watch a short on social media — today’s front pages.

It begins with clips of Trump on Fox News and on the campaign trail bragging that he will appoint “the best people” and have “one of the greatest cabinets ever.”


Here’s what the people who know him best said:

• “He was thin-skinned and easily distracted,” said Nikki Haley, former U.N. ambassador and 2024 GOP presidential candidate.

• “We can’t be following celebrity leaders with fragile egos who refuse to acknowledge reality,” said former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who opposes his re-election.

• “President Trump endangered my family,” said former Vice President Mike Pence, referring to January 6 rioters who wanted to hang him and Trump didn’t call off. When picked for VP, Trump said he was “the man who I truly believe will be outstanding in every way.”

• “Donald Trump is not fit to be president... I have been in those rooms when he’s met with those leaders. They think he’s a laughing fool,” said former National Security Adviser John Bolton, who is not supporting his re-election.

• “Our country can’t be a therapy session for a troubled man,” said former Attorney General Bill Barr, who also opposes his re-election.

• “He places our nation’s security at risk,” said former Secretary of Defense Mark Esper.

• “A man who is pretty undisciplined,” said former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson.

• “He failed at being the president when we needed him to be that,” said former Acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney, referring to the January 6 insurrection.

• “A person that has nothing but contempt for our democratic institutions, our Constitution, and the rule of law. God help us!” said former White House chief of staff John Kelly.

• “Clearly an irrational man,” said former White House aide Cassidy Hutchinson.

• Trump "cares about no one but himself,” said former press secretary Stephanie Grisham.

• “The domestic terrorist of the 21st century,” said former White House Communications Director Anthony Scaramucci.

Most Americans know Trump.

But the people who know him best — who worked with him in the White House — know him in a way that few Americans do. Their experience and judgment is clear. He is unfit for the presidency. And they have said why.

Reprinted with permission from Alternet.

In Unusual Move, Progressive Democrat Will Respond To Biden's Address

In Unusual Move, Progressive Democrat Will Respond To Biden's Address

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - After U.S. President Joe Biden gives his first joint address to Congress on Wednesday, one of the more progressive members of his own Democratic party, Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-NY), plans to deliver a response. It is routine for a member of the opposition party to give a rebuttal to a president's address, and Republicans have chosen Senator Tim Scott to do so this time. But it is very unusual for someone from the president's own party to deliver a reply. Bowman, 45, a Black former middle school principal who ousted a 16-term incumbent in New York City last November, is e...

Bernie Sanders Calls For Global Social Justice At The Vatican

Bernie Sanders Calls For Global Social Justice At The Vatican

Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders made a highly-anticipated visit to the Vatican today to deliver a familiar message to the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences: that the global economic and political system must work for more than the top one percent of earners.

“Rather than an economy aimed at the common good, we have been left with an economy operated for the top one percent, who get richer and richer as the working class, the young and the poor fall further and further behind,” he said. “And the billionaires and banks have reaped the returns of their campaign investments, in the form of special tax privileges, imbalanced trade agreements that favor investors over workers, and that even give multinational companies extra-judicial power over governments that are trying to regulate them.”

He presented his criticisms of the current state of the global economy at the 25th anniversary of Centesimus Annus, a social justice encyclical created by Pope John Paul II in the aftermath of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe.

The Vermont senator repeatedly pointed to the social and economic critiques offered by Pope Francis, who has defined his papacy in large part by denouncing the excesses of greed and capitalism, as a way of showing the two are fighting on the same side of a battle between the winners and losers in a globalized world economy:

Pope” Francis has given the most powerful name to the predicament of modern society: the Globalization of Indifference. ‘Almost without being aware of it,’ he noted, ‘we end up being incapable of feeling compassion at the outcry of the poor, weeping for other people’s pain, and feeling a need to help them, as though all this were someone else’s responsibility and not our own.’ We have seen on Wall Street that financial fraud became not only the norm but in many ways the new business model. Top bankers have shown no shame for their bad behavior and have made no apologies to the public. The billions and billions of dollars of fines they have paid for financial fraud are just another cost of doing business, another short cut to unjust profits.”

Prior to the his visit to the U.S. last year, Pope Francis gave a speech in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, in which he denounced the greed displayed by an increasingly small group of powerful people, and hinted that it was not a sustainable model. “Even within that ever smaller minority which believes that the present system is beneficial, there is a widespread sense of dissatisfaction and even despondency,” he said. The pope has repeated that same message many times since, making him one of the most active voices for dramatic wealth redistribution in the world today.

On the back of his visit to the Vatican, Sanders annotated a copy of that speech, adding his own commentary to Pope Francis’s. In one section, in which Pope Francis denounces the “unfettered pursuit of money,” Sanders notes that the vision being presented is more than just societal reformation.

“He is asking us to create a new form of society where the economy works for all, and not just the wealthy and the powerful,” Sanders wrote. “He is asking us to become a different kind of person, where our happiness and well-being comes from serving others and being part of the human community — not by spending our lives accumulating more and more wealth and power while oppressing others.”

Photo: AP Video screenshot. 
EXCERPT: ‘We Do! American Leaders Who Believe In Marriage Equality’

EXCERPT: ‘We Do! American Leaders Who Believe In Marriage Equality’

In celebration of Valentine’s Day, The National Memo brings you an excerpt from We Do! American Leaders Who Believe in Marriage Equality, edited by Jennifer Baumgardner and former governor of Vermont, Madeleine M. Kunin. From Harvey Milk to President Bill Clinton, Baumgardner and Kunin highlight political leaders — the historic speeches they have made and actions they have taken in the name of equality and of course, love. Baumgardner’s introduction, excerpted below, is her experience with marriage and love as not only the executive director and publisher at The Feminist Press at CUNY, but a wife and mother as well.

You can purchase the book here.

Three years into the institution, the contours of “marriage”—what it feels like for me to be connected legally to Michael—is both a site of struggle and a place of safety. When I’m anxious about a deadline, with kids who are both demanding I play UNO and deliver snacks, and Michael chooses that moment to ask me to scratch his back, my feminist beliefs (soul-saving though they are) don’t help me out very much. In fact, they lead me to rolling my eyes and mouthing, I’m going to kill you, when his back is turned. But when I think about our marriage vows and consider that I made a commitment to care for Michael and to receive care from him, I actually feel some inspiration to sit down and scratch for a minute. Being led by my vows creates a path to bring more love and consideration into our household—and into the world.

I’ve written in the past about my childhood being steeped in feminism, simply because “the movement” was changing the world without my doing anything. My childhood took place in a radically changed atmosphere from that of my mother, full of freedoms that I took for granted because they were, in fact, my birthright.

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As a forty-three-year-old woman, I live within a different (though related) active movement now. Nearly every day, hundreds of times each year, I march up and down Christopher Street, traversing Fifth Avenue (where I live) and Hudson Street (where my eight-year-old son attends school). Along the way, I intersect Gay Street and then peek longingly into Bien Cuit as I rush by. I pause for a second at the Stonewall Inn, just before Seventh Avenue, the site of the riots in 1969 that marked the debut of the gay protest movement. Of late, this historic gay bar displays a giant photo of President Obama in the window, along with a quote from his second inaugural address:

We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths—that all of us are created equal—is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall . . .

I pass kids making out in front of the triangle-shaped Christopher Park that features life-size white-lacquered sculptures of two couples—the lesbians seated on a park bench; the gay male couple standing nearby, as if chatting amiably. Two blocks north is the old St. Vincent Hospital, ground zero during the early days of the AIDS epidemic.

In other words, my every day begins simply and organically, surrounded by gay rights history and signs of its profound recent successes. After drop-off, I often linger in front of a poster for a weekly prayer vigil for marriage equality at St. John’s Lutheran Church. The following words are emblazoned on it: Our work is not done until all enjoy the freedom we now have. As a child in the 1970s and 1980s, I attended First Lutheran Church in Fargo, North Dakota. If prayers were offered for gay people, it was to help them live a straight life. Today, at least some Lutherans feel an urgent moral imperative to pray to extend marriage to gay couples.

We Do! tells a bit of the story of that sea change, largely from the perspective of political figures. Through these speeches, we glimpse the world politicians encountered in 1978 when AIDS was not yet part of our consciousness, nor was the idea of a diverse and out gay community of suburban dads alongside sex radicals (and all identities in between). We see how a few people speaking up, representing gay people in order to interrupt the stereotypes and hatred, begat an even more powerful movement. We see the slow evolution of power for gay people in the political sphere, as politicians sought their money and votes and eventually their counsel. Like many others, I rejoiced when Bill Clinton was elected in 1992 and was horrified when he signed on to “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” and the so-called Defense of Marriage Act. For many years, only a few leaders dared to state that gay relationships deserved the same rights as straight relationships. President Obama (another for whom progressives rejoiced) only recently came around on this after being nudged by his louder vice president. We Do! illustrates how, in the course of a single decade, activism around the institution of marriage—using the vocabulary of love and family—has transformed gay rights from wedge issue to civil rights success story.

Why has marriage become the signature issue of gay rights? Perhaps because, as lawyer/activist Evan Wolfson wrote in 1983, marriage is “an occasion to express their sense of self and their commitment to another human; a chance to establish and plan a life together, partaking of the security, benefits, and reinforcement society provides; and an opportunity to deepen themselves and touch immortality through sexuality, transcendence, and love.”

Marriage, after all, is a way to protect a relationship enough so that you can bring all of the parts of yourself into the room. Ideally, you will be met and cared for by a person who is safe enough to do the same. This state of being gathers privileges from the government to support it: tax breaks, financial benefits starting with “two can live as cheaply as one,” and, most profoundly, respect and legitimacy for the endeavor of caring for one another.

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The institution of marriage is fraught. It has its archaic history as a way for a man to establish paternity of his children and manage property and inheritance. It contributes to the tyranny of coupledom. A marriage’s dissolution still hurts women more than men. It’s ironic that gay rights are gaining acceptance at the very same time women are losing some hard-fought victories, notably attacks on abortion and birth control. And yet . . .

The movement for marriage equality has helped this institution continue to evolve from a sexist, dynastic arrangement to a celebration of commitment between two equals. It takes seriously the radical words of the Declaration of Independence. Marriage equality demonstrates that our country is a living, always-growing entity of citizens still learning how to live up to the promise of “all [people] are created equal.”

As Evan Wolfson has written, proponents of gay rights have death on our side: the demise of previous generations who mistook bigotry for piety and the passing of a time when you couldn’t talk about gay love and relationships in polite company or with children. Walking along Christopher Street to school recently, past leather bars and St. John’s Church, Skuli, my eight-year-old, asked me whether boys could marry boys. I said that we lived in New York State so, yes, they can. He asked me whether girls could marry girls and I said, “Yes, we can.”

And if he asked me if I believe institutions can change for the better in a single generation, I’d look at the story of marriage and say, “I do.”

Jennifer Baumgardner
New York City
September 2013

If you enjoyed this excerpt, purchase the full book here.
Copyright Jennifer Baumgarder, from We Do! American Leaders Who Believe in Marriage Equality edited by Jennifer Baumgardner and Governor Madeleine M. Kunin. Published by Akashic Books, 2013.