A group aligned with House Speaker Paul D. Ryan, R-Wis., has spent $20 million so far on ads and outreach in communities across the nation. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., is set to fast-track the bill through the chamber next week.
With the Senate GOP’s unveiling of its tax plan, key differences with the House version became apparent. Among the biggest potential losers in both plans are residents in high-cost states, who rely heavily on itemized deductions for state, local and property taxes.
But since announcing that he would not stand for re-election, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has unleashed some of his most unvarnished, inner thoughts about Trump, borrowing from the president’s own preference for direct, public confrontation over diplomacy.
Not long ago, Paul D. Ryan stood before charts and graphs as the House Budget Committee chairman like a new Ross Perot, promoting an austerity plan that slashed taxes and spending, and warning of the dangers of deficits.
McCain has rarely been timid, and in many ways, he is continuing the course set in July when he stunned Washington with his vote against the health care bill. At the time, he urged senators in a piercing floor speech to quit listening to the “bombastic loudmouths” on partisan talk radio and online, and get to work by returning to the regular congressional order of committee hearings and votes to address the nation’s concerns, regardless of party.
House Speaker Paul Ryan became one of a few top Republicans to publicly disagree with President Trump’s pardon of former Arizona Sheriff Joe Arpaio, as lawmakers in Congress have become more willing to distance themselves from the White House, especially on issues of race.
The most conservative senators want a quicker, more decisive end to the Affordable Care Act. Those from centrist states prefer a slower unraveling — preferring to keep Obamacare’s federal funding that allowed them to expand Medicaid to more residents.
Fully 68 percent of Americans want to keep what works and fix the rest, while just 32 percent prefer the GOP’s repeal and replace approach, according to polling from Hart Research.
Until recently, House Speaker Paul Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell tolerated Trump’s turbulent debut because they agreed with the direction the White House was heading — or were confident they could nudge it in the desired one. But the newfound partnership is showing signs of serious strain.
The “alt-right” gang gathered in Washington looked more like lobbyists than Klansmen or skinheads, but their white nationalist ideology gave off a familiar odor.
Blasting Trump, nearly three dozen former GOP members of Congress urged “our fellow Republicans not to vote for this man whose disgraceful candidacy is indefensible.”
As Donald Trump tries to improve his standing with African-Americans and other minority voters, his running mate said Sunday the campaign doesn’t want support from white nationalists.
“Listen, I’ve said what my position is,” Republican Sen. Kelly Ayotte said with slight exasperation during an interview at a campaign stop in her hometown of Nashua to help volunteers stuff care packages for overseas military troops.
Many top officials, including both living former Republican presidents, opted to stay home, not that they were entirely welcome by Trump fans anyway. In their place will be soap opera actors, Trump family friends and several billionaires who will attest to the businessman’s character and savvy.
“Trump blames it all on Hillary and Bill Clinton, but this has been a bipartisan policy — and one that has been supported mostly by Republicans,” said Robert E. Scott, who is director of trade and manufacturing policy research at the Economic Policy Institute.
The U.S. economy is on track to expand “solidly” this year, but the federal deficit is creeping up again, thanks in large part to a package of tax breaks enacted by Congress last year, officials said Tuesday.
He has a new job, speaker of the House, but Rep. Paul D. Ryan has stuck with a longtime routine, sequestering himself on a hunting stand in Wisconsin, picking off deer that he will turn into jerky, brats and links to sustain him through the year.
House Speaker Paul D. Ryan faces his first big test as Congress stares down a deadline to do something that has become increasingly difficult: pass a bill to fund the government.
The $80 billion, two-year budget accord would increase spending somewhat on defense and domestic programs, rolling back some of the automatic cuts known as sequesters that Obama repeatedly has denounced.
Poised to become the next House speaker, Republican Rep. Paul D. Ryan finds himself in a position he once seemed eager to avoid: leading an unforgiving GOP majority that is not completely sure it wants him.
Republicans are no closer to replacing Boehner thanks to the Freedom Caucus, a ragtag bunch of “revolutionaries” who want to hijack the speakership in order to achieve their aims.
He was known as Tony back then, a young boy so persuasive and self-assured that he helped persuade his family to ditch Catholicism for the Mormon Church, and he marched in a union picket line with his dad, a casino bartender, to demand better wages.
After repeatedly insisting that he had no interest in becoming speaker of the House, Republican Rep. Paul D. Ryan was seriously considering the job Friday.
The stalemate over authorization for the nation’s highway program, which expires July 31, is not so much a traditional partisan divide, but rather a tussle between the House and Senate. Both chambers are controlled by Republicans, but they’ve taken different approaches to the problem.
The so-called sharing economy is fast emerging as a 2016 presidential battleground, exposing fundamentally different approaches over how to embrace new technologies without hurting American workers.