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Tuesday, December 6, 2016

EXCERPT:Breach Of Trust: How Americans Failed Their Soldiers And Their Country

EXCERPT:Breach Of Trust: How Americans Failed Their Soldiers And Their Country

The following excerpt is from Breach of Trust: How Americans Failed Their Soldiers and Their Country by retired U.S. Army officer and current professor of history and international relations at Boston University, Andrew J. Bacevich. The U.S. Constitution begins, “We The People,” but this “we” is often forgotten when establishing who ultimately carries the responsibility of war. The implementation and execution of war have become abstract to the majority of a population that has never confronted it personally. As a society, our standard response is through symbolic acts, heralding servicemembers as heroes, but shouldering none of the responsibility or even reasonably questioning our actions abroad. War no longer holds the same significance to, nor does it garner the same reaction from, Americans as it did during World War I, World War II, Korea, and Vietnam. Bacevich is critical of our war-numb society, and offers a new approach to mend this skewed relationship between the military and the public.

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The Great Decoupling

After September 11, 2001, when George W. Bush inaugurated the Global War on Terrorism, he saw another such victory ahead, one that would again refurbish and restore the nation’s sense of purpose. “This time of adversity,” the president declared in his 2002 State of the Union Address, “offers a unique moment of opportunity, a moment we must seize to change our culture.” With the Afghan War seemingly all but won and an invasion of Iraq in the offing, Bush laid out his vision of renewal. “For too long,” he lamented, “our culture has said, ‘If it feels good, do it.’ ” No more, however. With the advent of global war, Americans were finding inspiration in heroic new role models, the president believed. The implications promised to be transformative. “Now America is embracing a new ethic and a new creed: ‘Let’s roll.’ In the sacrifice of soldiers, the fierce brotherhood of firefighters, and the bravery and generosity of ordinary citizens, we have glimpsed what a new culture of responsibility could look like . . . a Nation that serves goals larger than self.”

No such transformation ensued. Indeed, the way President Bush chose to wage his war ensured a contrary result. If anything, the war on terror, stretching across more than a decade, served to mask a preexisting cultural crisis while setting the stage for large-scale economic calamity. In stark contrast to the Civil War and World War II, it depleted the nation’s stores of moral capital, leaving in its wake cynicism and malaise along with chronic dysfunction. It impelled the country on a downward, not an upward, trajectory.

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Whose War?

Embarking upon what he himself unfailingly described as an enterprise of vast historic significance, Bush wasted no time in excluding the American people from any real involvement. Choosing war, he governed as if there were no war.

“We have suffered great loss,” the president acknowledged in a nationally televised address shortly after 9/11. “And in our grief and anger we have found our mission and our moment . . . The advance of human freedom . . . now depends on us. Our nation, this generation, will lift the dark threat of violence from our people and our future. We will rally the world to this cause by our efforts, by our courage. We will not tire, we will not falter and we will not fail.”

But who exactly was this we? To whom was the president referring in his repeated and fervent use of the first-person plural?

It soon became apparent that Bush’s understanding of we differed substantially from Abraham Lincoln’s “we here highly resolve” at Gettysburg. It differed more drastically still from FDR’s in the post–Pearl Harbor declaration: “We are now in this war. We are all in it—all the way.”

Bush did not intend his we to be taken literally. It was nothing more than a rhetorical device, a vehicle for posturing. Minimizing collective inconvenience rather than requiring collective commitment became the distinctive signature of his approach to war management.

From the very outset, Bush made it clear that he wanted members of the public to carry on as before. After all, to suspend the pursuit of individual happiness (defined in practice as frantic consumption) was to hand the terrorists a “victory.” So within three weeks of the 9/11 attacks, the president was urging his fellow citizens to “enjoy America’s great destination spots. Get down to Disney World in Florida. Take your families and enjoy life, the way we want it to be enjoyed.” To facilitate such excursions, the president persuaded Congress to cut taxes, a 2003 tax relief measure coming on top of one that he had already signed into law prior to 9/11.

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