Tag: silent majority
The Liberal Silent Majority

The Liberal Silent Majority

A few days before Bernie Sanders lost badly in the New York primary, 27,000 souls filled Washington Square Park, many wildly cheering him on. The political media consensus interpreted the scene as evidence of surging support for the senator from Vermont. It did not occur to them that:

–The crowd almost certainly included many Hillary Clinton supporters just out to hear what Bernie had to say — not to mention some stray Republicans.

–It included tourists who, on a pleasant spring evening, happened on an exciting event and hung around.

–Some attendees were Bernie backers who had neglected to register as Democrats in time for the Democratic primary.

–The numbers at Washington Square were dwarfed by the battalions of working-class New Yorkers juggling two children and three jobs. These mostly Clinton voters were unable to attend any rally.

This last group is the subject here. It is the silent liberal majority.

Richard Nixon popularized the term “silent majority” in 1969. He was referring to the Middle Americans appalled by the Vietnam-era protests and associated social chaos. They didn’t demonstrate, and the so-called media elite ignored them.

Today’s liberal version of the silent majority is heavy with minorities and older people. Its members tend to be more socially conservative than those on the hard left and believe President Obama is a good leader.

Obamacare has brought medical coverage to 90 percent of the population, with the greatest gains among Latinos. Thus, a politician who repeatedly complains that this is “the only major country that doesn’t guarantee health care to all people as a right” sounds a bit off.

Many political reporters belong to the white gentry that has fueled the Sanders phenomenon. Nothing wrong with that, as long as they know where they’re coming from. But some don’t seem to know about the vast galaxies of Democratic voters beyond the university and hipster ZIP codes.

In so many races — including those of the other party — reporters confine themselves to carefully staged political events and a few interviews with conveniently placed participants. From the atmospherics, they deduce the level of support for a particular candidate.

It can’t be repeated often enough that a passionate vote counts no more than one cast with quiet consent or even resignation. Here are three examples of political analysts forgetting this:

Commenting on the lively debate in Brooklyn, columnist Frank Bruni concluded that the Sanders camp is “where the fiercest energy in the party resides right now.” How did he know? “It was audible on Thursday night, in the boos from the audience that sometimes rained down on Clinton.”

So, how many people were booing? Three? Four? Who were they? They possibly could have been Hillary people trying to summon sympathy for their candidate (which the booing undoubtedly did).

The day after the packed Sanders rally in Greenwich Village, CNN looped videos contrasting that massive turnout with the much smaller group listening to Clinton in the Bronx. That’s as deep as this story went.

Early this month, New York magazine posted a piece titled “In the South Bronx, Bernie Sanders Gives Clinton Cause for Concern.” The reporter’s evidence was a sizable and “raucous” Sanders rally headlined by a handful of black and Latino celebrities.

We await the magazine’s follow-up analysis on how Clinton won 70 percent of the Bronx vote. Someone must have voted for her.

This is not to chide the Sanders campaign. Its job was to create an impression of mass support for its candidate — and job well-done. Rather, it’s to remind the media that there’s a huge electorate outside the focus of managed campaign events. And silent majorities, by their very nature, tend not to get noticed.

Follow Froma Harrop on Twitter @FromaHarrop. She can be reached at fharrop@gmail.com. To find out more about Froma Harrop and read features by other Creators writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators Web page at www.creators.com.

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Photo: Flickr user John Morton.

5 Reasons White Working-Class Voters Are So Scared

5 Reasons White Working-Class Voters Are So Scared

Why do data journalists keep missing the political story of the year?

That’s the challenge posed by the Washington Post‘s Dave Weigel to FiveThirtyEight‘s Nate Silver and The Upshot’s Nate Cohn, two key numbers maestros who have continually predicted the demise — or understated the rise — of Donald Trump.

The political story of the year is that Trump has consolidated non-college educated white Republican voters in a way nobody expected could happen. His appeal is driven largely by these voters’ anxieties, manifested as racism and xenophobia.

We see this in the way his campaign lifted off after his attacks on Mexico and Mexican immigrants in his announcement speech. And his further ascent, which comes after weeks of lying about “thousands and thousands” of American Muslims celebrating 9/11.

Reckoning with Trump’s very classy bigotry is tough for many who seem reluctant to accept that it is the animating force behind his rise. It feels inappropriate to ascribe those motivations to millions of Americans, years after the Supreme Court declared that we’d pretty much solved racism.

This political story of the year is just a comically exaggerated version of the crackdown predicted by analysts like The Washington Post’s Greg Sargent — and the GOP autopsy itself — if Republicans didn’t pass immigration reform. It’s the tragedy of California’s conservative backlash against immigrants from the 1990s, repeated as farce.

Decades ago, white voters in California felt the changes that much of the country is now experiencing. Demographic shifts combined with the natural consequences of conservative economics sparked a partisan crucible of bad intentions —  which resulted in California’s GOP winning some pyrrhic victories that have given way to a general decimation of the party.

There are some unabashed racists who support Trump, but his larger support is the sign of a seriously troubling phenomenon that cannot be ignored. Aging white voters — especially those who have no college education — feel an acute loss of status, opportunity, and security. To deflect their angry anxiety away from the conservatives who have engineered the hollowing of the middle class, they’re being encouraged to rage against ethnic minorities.

Race baiting is a potent distraction, and one that has been either an undercurrent or a driving force of American politics for centuries. Given that the demographic shifts we face are inevitable, we need to take seriously the concerns of these voters, in the hope that they can direct their concerns more constructively.

Here are five reasons why scared white voters can be tricked into sucking up to a billionaire who thinks they’re overpaid.

1. They’re dying faster.
White anxiety has literally become an existential crisis. “Since roughly 1998, disease and death rates for middle aged white men and women has begun to rise,” Josh Marshall wrote in a recent post about a Princeton university study from Angus Deaton and Anne Case on mortality rates. Marshall says you can’t understand politics without understanding this study. His hypothesis about why people are dying at increased rates? “Let’s put this clearly: the stressor at work here is the perceived and real loss of the social and economic advantages of being white.” He doesn’t think the anger at this loss is driving Republican “nihilism.” He thinks both emerge from a common cause. That cause could be the loss of economic strength and hope.

2. They’ve lost bargaining power.
As union membership rates decrease, middle-class incomes shrink
Conservatives want to destroy labor unions. They have no problem admitting it and campaigning on it. Coincidently, as union membership decreases, so do incomes. If there’s no one to lobby for your interests or to bargain from a position of equality, your ability to demand better wages deteriorates. And that works for people who own businesses, while leaving those among us who grew up in an age of growing incomes feeling as if we’ve been denied a natural right.

3. They’ve lost job security and pensions.
Mother Jones‘ Kevin Drum took a look at the same mortality study and finds that all white people from 30-65 are seeing more deaths from preventable causes like “suicide/alcohol/drugs.” One factor directly addressed by the study’s authors is the loss of financial security for workers: “The United States has moved primarily to defined-contribution pension plans with associated stock market risk, whereas, in Europe, defined-benefit pensions are still the norm. Future financial insecurity may weigh more heavily on US workers, if they perceive stock market risk harder to manage than earnings risk, or if they have contributed inadequately to defined-contribution plans.”

4. America is changing quickly.
Backlash politics thrives on a sense that the world is going to hell all around you. Whether its same-sex marriage, a black president, a possible woman president, any sense that the old order would endure — and the belief that America would exist forever in its prejudices (but with jet packs) — is nearly gone. While these things seem positive to the ascending majority of America, they terrorize those who’d been promised that they’d be better off than their parents. We cannot overstate how much the demographics of America will change in the next few decades and how disturbing that is to “traditionalists. This passage from pollster Stanley Greenberg makes these monumental changes vivid:

Consider that nearly 40 percent of New York City’s residents are foreign-born, with Chinese the second-largest group behind Dominicans. The foreign-born make up nearly 40 percent of Los Angeles’s residents and 58 percent of Miami’s. A majority of U.S. households are headed by unmarried people, and, in cities, 40 percent of households include only a single person. Church attendance is in decline, and non-religious seculars now outnumber mainline Protestants. Three-quarters of working-age women are in the labor force, and two-thirds of women are the breadwinners or co-breadwinners of their households. The proportion of racial minorities is approaching 40 percent, but blowing up all projections are the 15 percent of new marriages that are interracial. People are moving from the suburbs to the cities. And in the past five years, two-thirds of millennial college graduates have settled in the 50 largest cities, transforming them.

The world middle-aged white Americans were born into bears almost no resemblance to the one where they are dying. And unfortunately conservatives have convinced them that the promise of immigrants who we desperately need to grow our economy and fund Medicare and Conservatives is nothing more than a threat.

5. The right wing media thrives on fears.
It’s no coincidence that some of the right-wing media’s biggest advertisers are companies marketing gold, survival gear, and miracle cures that the scientists don’t want you to hear about. Keeping you focused on all the wrong things is essential to the conservative project. And it’s even more important for the conservative media project. The right’s ability to shape narratives — and harass the mainstream media into accepting them — has no parallel in modern life. No matter how many people in the “objective” media may vote or lean left, it’s no match for the nation’s most popular news channel and nearly all the most popular talk radio shows serving as perpetual commercials against the Democratic Party and the unmitigated evil of compromising with liberals. Every day millions of white Americans wake up to find out what they should be terrified of today — a time of unprecedented peace globally and some of the lowest violent crime rates in generations at home. And the right wing media never disappoint them.

Photo: U.S. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks during a campaign rally at the USS Wisconsin battleship in Norfolk, Virginia October 31, 2015.  REUTERS/Joshua Roberts