Tag: anti-fascist
Glimmers Of Light In The Fight Against Authoritarianism

Glimmers Of Light In The Fight Against Authoritarianism

These are dark days for American lovers of liberty, so any glimmers of light are especially welcome.

Let's start with "Sandwich Man." The world knows him as the pink-shirted guy who shouted at federal agents patrolling the streets of Washington, D.C. After some aggressive language and pungent invitations to get lost, Sean C. Dunn then tossed a sandwich, hitting one of the officers (who seemed to be wearing body armor!) in the chest. Dunn ran (demonstrating impressive athleticism if I may say so). Weighed down by gear, the agents lumbered after him, eventually catching him a few blocks away and placing him under arrest. "I did it," he confessed. "I threw a sandwich." He was later released.

End of story? Not at all. Jeanine Pirro, the U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia, sent more than a dozen FBI and U.S. Marshals agents in full tactical gear to Dunn's house to arrest him again the next day. Pirro then starred in a video of her own, declaring, "Assault a law enforcement officer, and you'll be prosecuted. This guy thought it was funny — well, he doesn't think it's funny today, because we charged him with a felony." Attorney General Pam Bondi chimed in to say that she had just learned that Dunn had been employed by the Department of Justice, but no longer. She fired him, she said, and charged him with a felony because he represented the "Deep State" they were fighting.

It was an absurd overcharge, lampooned as an "assault with a breadly weapon." A misdemeanor? Sure. You shouldn't throw things at people. But a felony, carrying a penalty of years in prison and thousands in fines? Please. Across Washington, D.C., posters and street art featuring the likeness of Sandwich Man proliferated — the flowering of popular protest. And then an interesting thing happened: The grand jury declined to return an indictment.

Grand juries hear evidence only from the prosecution, not from the defense, and the standard for bringing an indictment is only probable cause, not preponderance of the evidence or proof beyond a reasonable doubt. That's why they say a prosecutor can get a grand jury to indict a ham sandwich — but not, it seems, Sandwich Man.

Nor was this a lone example. Just a few days earlier, the Justice Department was obliged to reduce the charges against Sidney Lori Reid, who had been involved in a protest against federal agents attempting to transfer two people the government characterized as "gang members" into custody. Reid filmed them and placed her body between the officers and the men, resulting in some pushing and shoving in which an FBI officer's hand scraped against a brick wall, resulting in injury. The government charged Reid with forcibly "assaulting, impeding, or interfering with federal agents," a felony that could carry an eight-year sentence upon conviction. Three grand juries declined to indict.

These Washingtonians continued a long and venerable tradition of using the power of juries to stymie government overreach. In 1735, a jury declined to convict John Peter Zenger of seditious libel for criticizing the colonial governor, establishing a key precedent about press freedom. In the antebellum North, juries often refused to convict defendants who violated the Fugitive Slave Law, an expression of contempt for legislation that dishonored the nation.

Sandwich Man has allies in his resistance to injustice.

Lisa Cook is also supplying some welcome fight. Instead of retreating quietly after Trump attempted to fire her from the Federal Reserve Board, she declared her intention to sue on the grounds that Trump lacks the authority to fire her. "President Trump purported to fire me 'for cause' when no cause exists under the law, and he has no authority to do so. I will not resign. I will continue to carry out my duties to help the American economy as I have been doing since 2022."

Gov. Gavin Newsom (D-CA) is mocking Trump, which may have no immediate payoff but raises the spirits of those in need of it.

Gov. J.B. Pritzker (D-IL), less showy but not less effective than Newsom, delivered a forceful, intelligent and carefully reasoned repudiation of Trump's threat to deploy troops to Chicago. He began by saying, "If it sounds to you that I'm being alarmist, that's because I am ringing an alarm."

Pritzker made the point that crime is down, not up in Chicago and emphasized that Trump's approach neglects successful crime-fighting techniques. But more importantly, he excoriated Trump's threat as a transgression against American law, tradition and decency. He further urged all who might resist to do so peacefully, reminding them that the National Guard troops dragooned into this duty could very well be doing so unwillingly, subject to court martial if they disobeyed. It was the kind of message Americans need to be reminded of as Trump attempts to push us into civil conflict, which he could then use as cover for even more despotic power grabs.

Hats off to the good citizens of the District of Columbia and the others who are meeting this moment with signs of fight and the recognition of what we're facing.

Mona Charen is policy editor of The Bulwark and host of the "Beg to Differ" podcast. Her latest book is Hard Right: The GOP's Drift Toward Extremism.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.


Sen. Kelly Loeffler

Without Arrests Or Evidence, GOP Alarms Over 'Antifa' Fall Flat

Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-GA) claimed on Thursday that "antifa" was behind violence that occurred during anti-racism protests.

The Department of Justice has found no evidence linking people associated with the anti-fascist movement to acts of violence. No one who has been arrested for such violence has any links to the movement.

The nationwide protests against racist police brutality were sparked by the death of George Floyd, a black man who died after a white police officer knelt on his neck for more than eight minutes.

"I signed on to a resolution calling on investigations into antifa and similar activity because this is criminal and we need to get to the bottom of who is causing violence in our cities, looting, police officers lost their lives," Loeffler told a CBS affiliate in Atlanta. "Hundreds of officers were injured trying to keep the peace for those peaceful protesters."

When he analyzed court documents on those arrested at protests, NPR reporter Ryan Lucas said, "I didn't find any mention or reference to antifa. None of the 51 individuals are alleged in these court papers to have any link to the antifa movement, broadly speaking, or to antifa ideology."

Antifa, short for "anti-fascists," is a term for far-left groups and individuals who confront neo-Nazis and white supremacists at rallies across the nation. There is no "antifa" organization, and people affiliated with the ideology sometimes engage in violence.

As Loeffler lobbed an evidence-free claim of far-left violence, she failed to mention concrete evidence of far-right groups seeking to incite violence.

In early June, federal prosecutors charged three Nevada men affiliated with a far-right group with attempting to incite riots in the Las Vegas area. The men were arrested with Molotov cocktails in glass bottles, and an informant told police the men "discussed causing an incident to incite chaos and possibly a riot."

Loeffler is one of several Republican officials who have made unsupported claims about anti-fascist involvement in violence at recent protests.

On May 31, Attorney General William Barr issued an official Justice Department statement in which he said, "The violence instigated and carried out by Antifa and other similar groups in connection with the rioting is domestic terrorism and will be treated accordingly."

"This has gone beyond a peaceful protest. Members of Antifa are domestic terrorists burning American cities down to the ground," Sen. Marsha Blackburn tweeted on May 31.

Donald Trump has made numerous references to antifa, including an unsubstantiated suggestion that a 75-year-old man pushed to the ground by police in Buffalo may have been an anti-fascist activist who faked his fall.

Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation.

Yes, Antifa Is Very Dangerous — But Not To Fascists

Yes, Antifa Is Very Dangerous — But Not To Fascists

Call me unromantic, but I disliked a lot about the fabled “Sixties” the first time around. Some of the music was good, but otherwise 1968 was among the worst years in American life. The center nearly failed to hold.

As if the Vietnam War were not bad enough, the assassinations of Martin Luther King and Robert F. Kennedy made it feel as if America’s democratic institutions might not survive. Eager for “revolution,” hothouse warriors in the SDS Weather Underground faction did everything possible to promote anarchy—from rioting to setting off bombs. During the 1968 Democratic National Convention, pitched battles between street fighters and Chicago police brought chaos and a massive voter backlash.

The most immediate result, brilliantly chronicled in historian Rick Perlstein’s book Nixonland, was the criminal presidency of Richard M. Nixon.

So I found it heartening to see Perlstein take to Facebook to scold the latter-day anarchists of “Antifa.” There was nothing subtle or scholarly about it.

 “Stop destroying the left, you infantile [bleeps],” Perlstein wrote.

Can I get an amen?

In a subsequent post, the historian quoted an eyewitness account of  Antifa goons assaulting KKK-style marchers at a “white-power” demonstration in Berkeley, CA, of all places.

“Yesterday, at the anti-Alt-Right rally in Berkeley,” Leighton Woodhouse wrote, ‘I watched groups of masked Antifa members in Black Bloc formation swarm individuals who were apparently antagonizing them, and pummel them with their fists, feet, and flagpoles. When the victims tried to escape, they were run down, and in at least one case, cut off by the Antifa mob and beaten down some more.”

A similarly vivid account of Antifa bullying by photojournalist Mike Kessler appeared in The New Republic. The irony was that until the masked, black-clad social justice warriors appeared, the Berkeley crowd had decisively outnumbered, ridiculed and shamed “alt-right” marchers as the pathetic goobers that they are.

Much as thousands of peaceful citizens on Boston Common had so outnumbered white supremacists a week earlier that they took off their little bedsheets and went home without even trying to harangue the crowd.

That’s all that ever needs to happen.

But I don’t even need to turn on Fox News to know that Sean Hannity and the rest of the merry band of Trump apologists on right-wing media are playing up Antifa as the moral equivalent of Bolshevik revolutionaries.

Well-meaning journalists such as the Washington Posts Margaret Sullivan and Atlantic Monthlys Peter Beinart are certainly correct to argue that there’s no real comparison between left- and right-wing political violence in the United States. The “alt-left” Trump described scarcely exists, and had almost no role in the Charlottesville tragedy.

Beinart cites Anti-Defamation League statistics showing that 74 percent of politically-motivated murders in the US since 2007 were committed by right wing extremists; versus 2 percent by leftists.

The news media’s tendency to soft-pedal the far-right motives of killers from Timothy McVeigh to Dylan Roof has long been an instance of willful blindness.

Journalists on the left correctly fear that won’t be the case with Antifa.

Also on Facebook, Lindsay Beyerstein explains that she’s covered many protests halfway sabotaged by Antifa antics: “I always thought of them as self-indulgent parasites because they’d show up at demonstrations organized by other people and capture the news cycle with petty property destruction.”

 But when masked intruders quit breaking windows and start carrying weapons, things can change fast. “Paramilitaries facing off in the streets is God’s gift to fascism,” Beyerstein adds. “Not everyone likes racism and militarism, but everyone likes safety and order. If we’ve already got safety and order, fascists have nothing to offer casual supporters.”

But she predicts that if real “violence comes the backlash is going to come down as hard against the entire left as it did against the alt right after Charlottesville.”

That’s certainly what happened during the Sixties.  

eMy late father taught me an oft-repeated expression I always took as the essence of Americanism. “You’re no better than anybody else,” he’d growl, “and nobody’s better than you.” There was more than a little Irish nationalism in what he said, but he definitely meant it. So do I.

Most Americans do too. Even under Donald Trump, the great majority remains deeply attached to the fundamental premises of democratic citizenship. They want to believe that we’re all in it together—America, that is—and they react against anybody threatening that belief.

So that when Alabama segregationists attacked peaceful civil rights demonstrators with clubs, tear gas and dogs, the majority sympathized with the victims—and brought about the end of Jim Crow. But after rioting tore Chicago apart in 1968, they went the other way. Hard.

Nobody needs the help of Antifa militants and the idiot professors making excuses for them to reject the KKK.

But let them start real trouble, and we’ll all end up wishing we’d never heard of them.

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