Tag: benjamin netanyahu
At 'Peace Summit,' Trump Flaunts Egomania And Whines Over Nobel Peace Prize

At 'Peace Summit,' Trump Flaunts Egomania And Whines Over Nobel Peace Prize

President Donald Trump traveled to the Middle East on Monday to mark the first phase of a ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, in which Hamas agreed to release the final hostages held captive in Gaza in exchange for Israel releasing detained Palestinian prisoners.

And true to form, Trump made the day all about himself, basking in the praise of Israel’s far-right leaders, who lamented the fact that Trump did not win the Nobel Peace Prize.

Knesset Speaker Amir Ohana, a member of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing Likud party, said Trump should have won the Nobel Peace Prize, declaring in a speech that Trump is a “colossus who will be enshrined in the pantheon of history.”

“What the world needs now are more leaders who are brave, resolute, strong, and bold. The world needs more Trumps,” Ohana added of the U.S. president who has sicced the military on his own citizens and has turned Customs and Border Patrol agents into masked goons who violently arrest anyone they think looks Hispanic.

Netanyahu, meanwhile, gifted Trump a golden statue of a dove—another hideously ostentatious trinket Trump can add to the White House he’s defiled with tacky gold ornaments.

And later, Netanyahu bragged in a speech before the Israeli parliament that he nominated Trump for the Nobel and said it's "only a matter of time" before Trump gets it.

Then in Egypt, where Trump traveled for a "Peace Summit," Trump whined about not winning the prize—which was awarded on Friday to a Venezuelan woman fighting for democracy who dedicated the prize to Trump anyway for his “decisive support.”

“We have Norway. Oh, Norway, aye aye aye! Norway, what happened? Norway, what happened?” Trump said in a speech at the summit, referring to the country that awards the annual award.

In the same speech, Trump also made Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif go up to the podium to "say what you said to me the other day"—which evidently was a boatload of over-the-top praise about how Trump deserved the Nobel Peace Prize.

"I would say that Pakistan had nominated President Donald Trump for Nobel Peace Prize for his outstanding extraordinary contributions to first, stop war between India and Pakistan, and then achieve ceasefire along with his very wonderful team," Sharif said. "And today again I would like to nominate this great president for Nobel Peace Prize.”

- YouTube youtu.be

Before his whining that he did not win the Nobel Peace Prize, he gave a speech in Israel in which he bragged about the weapons he sent to Israel that were used in their war against Hamas.

"Bibi Netanyahu would call me so many times asking for weapons I never even heard of, but we got them here didn’t we? You used them very well," Trump said.

Trump also embraces dictators like Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has carried out a brutally violent war against Ukraine, whose sovereign nation he is trying to annex to expand his dictatorial empire.

And he embraces other world leaders like Hungary’s Viktor Orban—who has silenced dissent in order to remain in power. On Monday, Trump even took time to praise Orban, who he called “fantastic” and a “great leader.”

Indeed, when giving out this year’s Nobel Peace Prize, the award committee described why Trump will never win the award.

"When authoritarians seize power, it is crucial to recognise courageous defenders of freedom who rise and resist. Democracy depends on people who refuse to stay silent, who dare to step forward despite grave risk, and who remind us that freedom must never be taken for granted, but must always be defended—with words, with courage, and with determination," the committee wrote.

A man who is trying to silence dissent, imprison his enemies, and ignore laws to remain in power will never win the Nobel.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Trump Forged Gaza Deal By Dropping His Rejection Of A Palestinian State

Trump Forged Gaza Deal By Dropping His Rejection Of A Palestinian State

Donald Trump deserves ample credit for brokering the ceasefire in Gaza, the return of Israel’s hostages, and the surge of humanitarian aid that may prevent a worse catastrophe for the suffering Palestinians. Should he feel that he has not received enough praise, he will laud himself until nobody can bear to hear another word.

But among the many ironies surrounding this moment, one fact seems central: There would be no deal if Trump and his negotiating team had not abandoned their longstanding opposition to a Palestinian state – and forced the Israeli government led by Benjamin Netanyahu to accept that change against their will.

Only weeks ago, Trump denounced the European recognition of Palestine as a “reward” to Hamas for the “horrible atrocities” perpetrated on October 7, 2023. He mocked France in particular, saying that its official support of a Palestinian state “doesn’t matter” and didn’t “carry any weight.”

Yet in hindsight, the Europeans were clearly correct to insist that only the revival of a two-state solution, much mocked in the United States, would create conditions for a ceasefire and a serious peace plan. Trump undoubtedly learned as much in his consultations with his friends (and business partners) in the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia – who could not have brought sufficient pressure on Hamas to agree to the deal’s terms, including its own disarmament and sidelining, without that fundamental concession. To be acceptable to those regimes, from Riyadh to Abu Dhabi to Doha to Ankara, any resolution had to include a Palestinian state.

That is among the reasons why the 20-point agreement that undergirds this ceasefire, and today’s joyous release of hostages and prisoners on both sides, is worth reading in full. It outlines a process for rebuilding and restoring Gaza that junks Trump’s earlier schemes to throw all the Gazans out of their homes for a gold-plated Mediterranean Las Vegas.

Instead, the deal envisions a transitional period that will conclude with a “reformed” Palestinian Authority resuming governance of the strip, and pledges, in clause 12, that “No one will be forced to leave Gaza, and those who wish to leave will be free to do so and free to return. We will encourage people to stay and offer them the opportunity to build a better Gaza.”

The framework for rebuilding “a better Gaza” includes various ideas that must have appealed to Trump, including a special board of world leaders including former British Prime Minister Tony Blair that the US president will chair. Whether those details can be sustained will be seen as the region’s future unfolds.

For reasons best known to the negotiators, however, the most important clauses were reserved for last – perhaps because they depend on the implementation of the prior clauses, perhaps because they were resisted by Israel until the very end. Set down in print, they make an indisputable departure from the hard-right positions of the Trump administration and the Netanyahu government.

The existence of a Palestinian state has long been anathema not just to Trump and Netanyahu but to the Republican right in Washington. Last month, Republican members of Congress sent a mesage to our allies in Europe and Canada scolding them for recognizing a nascent Palestine. Like Trump, who deleted the GOP's traditional platform plank supporting a two-state solution, they were content to undercut the Palestinians and allow Israel free reign everywhere from Jerusalem and the West Bank to the Golan Heights.

The stark difference between then and now is stated firmly in clauses 19 and 20 of the Trump deal, which make a promise that the world will have to redeem:

“19. While Gaza re-development advances and when the PA reform program is faithfully carried out, the conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood, which we recognise as the aspiration of the Palestinian people.

“20. The United States will establish a dialogue between Israel and the Palestinians to agree on a political horizon for peaceful and prosperous co-existence.”

All the parties to this deal face a long and demanding path toward those worthy goals, and their sincerity will be tested repeatedly along the way. There can be little doubt that Netanyahu and perhaps Trump too will attempt to stall and undo those historic changes. But if the American president deserves the acclaim he is receiving today, it is largely owed to his public renunciation of the hardliners in his own party and the Israeli right.

Joe Conason is founder and editor-in-chief of The National Memo. He is also editor-at-large of Type Investigations, a nonprofit investigative reporting organization formerly known as The Investigative Fund. His latest book is The Longest Con: How Grifters, Swindlers and Frauds Hijacked American Conservatism (St. Martin's Press, 2024).

Defying Trump, Israel Hits Iran With Missile Strikes And Kills Top General

Defying Trump, Israel Hits Iran With Missile Strikes And Kills Top General

Alarmed by an intelligence assessment that Iran will be able to produce nuclear weapons within months if not weeks, Israel has launched a massive air campaign aiming to destroy the country’s nuclear program.

Israel’s air strikes hit Iran’s main nuclear enrichment facility at Natanz, as well as its air defences and long-range missile facilities.

Among the dead are Hossein Salami, the chief of Iran’s powerful Revolutionary Guards Corps; Mohammad Bagheri, the commander-in-chief of the military; and two prominent nuclear scientists.

Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has promised “severe punishment” in response. Iran could potentially target Israel’s own nuclear sites and US bases across the Persian Gulf. Israel claimed Iran launched 100 drones towards it just hours after the attack.

The Middle East is yet again on the precipice of a potentially devastating war with serious regional and global implications.

Stalled nuclear talks

The Israeli operations come against the backdrop of a series of inconclusive nuclear talks between the United States and Iran. These negotiations began in mid-April at President Donald Trump’s request and aimed to reach a deal within months.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu opposed the talks, pressing for military action instead as the best option to halt Iran’s nuclear program.

The diplomatic efforts had stalled in recent weeks over Trump’s demand that Iran agree to a zero-uranium enrichment posture and destroy its stockpile of some 400 kilograms of enriched uranium at a 60% purity level. This could be rapidly enriched further to weapons-grade level.

Tehran refused to oblige, calling it a “non-negotiable”.

Netanyahu has long pledged to eliminate what he has called the Iranian “octopus” – the regime’s vast network of regional affiliates, including Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, the regime of former Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad, and the Houthi militants in Yemen.

Following Hamas’ attack on Israel on October 7 2023, Israel’s military has considerably degraded these Iranian affiliates, one by one. Now, Netanyahu has now gone for beheading the octopus.

Trump keeping his distance

Netanyahu has in the past urged Washington to join him in a military operation against Iran. However, successive US leaders have not found it desirable to ignite or be involved in another Middle East war, especially after the debacle in Iraq and its failed Afghanistan intervention.

Despite his strong commitment to Israel’s security and regional supremacy, Trump has been keen to follow this US posture, for two important reasons.

He has not forgotten Netanyahu’s warm congratulations to Joe Biden when he defeated Trump in the 2020 US presidential election.

Nor has Trump been keen to be too closely aligned with Netanyahu at the expense of his lucrative relations with oil-rich Arab states. He recently visited Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates on a trip to the Middle East, while bypassing Israel.

Indeed, this week, Trump had warned Netanyahu not to do anything that could undermine the US nuclear talks with Iran. He has been keen to secure a deal to boost his self-declared reputation as a peace broker, despite not having done very well so far on this front.

But as the nuclear talks seemed to be reaching a dead end, Netanyahu decided now was the moment to act.

The Trump administration has distanced itself from the attack, saying it had no involvement. It remains to be seen whether the US will now get involved to defend Israel if and when Iran retaliates.

What a wider war could mean

Israel has shown it has the capacity to unleash overwhelming firepower, causing serious damage to Iran’s nuclear and military facilities and infrastructure. But the Iranian Islamic regime also has the capability to retaliate, with all the means at its disposal.

Despite the fact the Iranian leadership faces serious domestic issues on political, social and economic fronts, it still has the ability to target Israeli and US assets in the region with advanced missiles and drones.

It also has the capability to close the Strait of Hormuz, through which 20–25% of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments flow. Importantly, Iran has strategic partnerships with both Russia and China, as well.

Depending on the nature and scope of the Iranian response, the current conflict could easily develop into an uncontrollable regional war, with none of the parties emerging as victor. A major conflict could not only further destabilise what is already a volatile Middle East, but also upend the fragile global geopolitical and economic landscape.

The Middle East cannot afford another war. Trump had good reasons to restrain Netanyahu’s government while the nuclear negotiations were taking place to see if he could hammer out a deal.

Whether this deal can be salvaged amid the chaos is unclear. The next round of negotiations was due to be held on Sunday in Oman, but Iran said it would not attend and all talks were off until further notice.

Iran and the US, under Barack Obama, had agreed a nuclear deal before – the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Although Netanyahu branded it “the worst deal of the century”, it appeared to be holding until Trump, urged by Netanyahu, unilaterally withdrew from it in 2018.

Now, Netanyahu has taken the military approach to thwart Iran’s nuclear program. And the region – and rest of the world – will have to wait and see if another war can be averted before it’s too late.The Conversation

Amin Saikal, Emeritus Professor of Middle Eastern and Central Asian Studies, Australian National University; and Vice Chancellor's Strategic Fellow, Victoria University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Reprinted with permission from Alternet. Read the original article.

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