Tag: latino voters
What Bad Bunny's Halftime Show Told Us About Latino Voters And Trump

What Bad Bunny's Halftime Show Told Us About Latino Voters And Trump

Latino culture is deeply steeped in the very values that conservative America claims to revere—faith, family, and tradition.

The church remains a central institution in many Latino communities, not just as a place of worship but as a social and moral anchor. It is where people gather, organize, grieve, celebrate, and find meaning.

Family is not an abstraction but a lived reality, with multigenerational households, deep obligations to parents and grandparents, and a cultural expectation that family comes before individual ambition or self-actualization.

Traditional gender roles are still present, shaped by long-standing cultural norms rather than academic theory or political fashion. There is a reason Latinos overwhelmingly rejected the “latinx” nonsense and are now rejecting the latest attempt to de-gender the language with “latine.”

These are not marginal or exotic values. They are the same ones conservatives endlessly invoke when talking about “real America,” only to dismiss or sneer at them when they exist in immigrant communities.

Despite his very overt racism and bigotry, President Donald Trump won a shocking 46 percent of the Latino vote in 2024, according to exit polls. Economics played a role, with desperate voters buying into Trump’s absurd promise of “lower prices on day one.”

But plenty of Americans faced economic hardship without resorting to backing Trump. Too many Latinos felt able to do so because, despite Trump’s open racism, there was cultural alignment—an assumption that his bigotry was aimed elsewhere, at other communities, and not at them.

To understand that alignment, just look at Bad Bunny’s Super Bowl halftime show, perhaps the most succinct and accurate depiction of Latino culture ever broadcast on an American stage.

It opens with workers harvesting sugarcane. Latinos are nothing if not hard workers—forming the backbone of American construction, agriculture, hospitality, and service industries—which conservatives claim to love.

The show then rolls through countless expressions of small-business entrepreneurship: the coconut stand, the shaved ice cart, the nail salon, the jewelry table, the taqueria, the bodega, stacks of concrete blocks waiting to become something permanent. This is the original hustle culture.

The show is saturated with multigenerational family. Abuelitas and abuelitos are everywhere—present, visible, respected. When, exactly, was the last time grandparents featured so prominently in a halftime show? Have they even been featured at all? Probably not.

The imagery is unapologetically masculine: boxers training, men working, men leading women in partnered dancing. It is also unapologetically, traditionally feminine—dresses, curves, sensuality—precisely the aesthetic the tradwife crowd claims to demand. Yet women are not sexualized ornamental props. They are mothers, brides, shopkeepers, workers, and entrepreneurs, grounded in family and community.

Yes, there was a gay couple dancing—for a split second—amid an endless sea of opposite-sex couples dancing, socializing, raising children, and getting married. As Caroline Sunshine, Trump’s 2024 deputy communications director put it:

My partner texted me after the show, “this is the most heterosexual, traditionally gendered thing I’ve seen in ages.” She wasn’t wrong.

Children are everywhere, zigging and zagging across dance floors, homes, and restaurants, because Latinos are pro-children even after they’re born—something conservatives bizarrely forget once abortion is off the table. The scene where Bad Bunny wakes up a kid at a wedding landed hard because it was instantly recognizable. Latino parents take their kids everywhere. Kids don’t get left behind so adults can party, kids are part of the party.

And while Bad Bunny drew attention for giving his Grammy to a younger version of himself, what resonated even more to me was the moment after dancing with Lady Gaga when he turns and twirls a young girl as well. Our children are not accessories. They are central characters in our lives.

Even the queer performers—Ricky Martin, Lady Gaga, and others—were not positioned as transgressive or radical. They simply occupied their place within the broader cultural framework. They belonged. They were part of the family.

Where Latinos fundamentally break from American conservatism is joy.

Joy is not a byproduct of success in Latino culture. Unlike cultures that treat professional status or financial achievement as prerequisites for a meaningful life, Latino culture has long defined success more relationally than materially. To our occasional economic detriment, joy is not deferred until we have the house or the fancy car. It has nothing to do with bank balances. Joy is integrated into daily life and shared whether or not circumstances cooperate.

That joy is not abstract or intellectual. It is physical. It lives in the body. It shows up in dancing that starts early and never really stops—children learning complex salsa steps, being twirled by grandparents right alongside them. Movement is not performance; it is participation. Joy is learned somatically, taught through rhythm, proximity, and repetition, embedded before it can ever be articulated.

It is further expressed through touch. Hugs are long and frequent. If you want to leave a gathering, best announce it 30 minutes before you actually leave, because you’re going to get multiple rounds of hugs and kisses around the room before you are allowed to leave. Affection is public and unembarrassed. Look at Bad Bunny greeting Martin:

Music is the vessel that carries all of this. Latino music is not merely entertainment—it is memory, history, grief, celebration, and connection layered into sound. It is how joy is shared within families and exported to the world. The entire energy of a room can change the second a Celia Cruz song or Rubby Pérez’s “El Africano” hits the rotation, landing just as hard with elders as with children. It truly is something to behold.

Songs become communal property, passed down, danced to, sung together, and remade—over and over again—in new styles for new generations. They form shared connective tissue across time.

You did not need to speak Spanish to feel any of that radiating from that stage. The music, the movement, the intimacy were the message. Joy was not a reward for success, but a way of living, collective, embodied, and freely offered to anyone willing to feel it. Even many MAGA conservatives begrudgingly admitted it spoke to them.

Conservatism, by contrast, is dour, punitive, and obsessed with control. It treats pleasure with suspicion, happiness as frivolous, and celebration as weakness. Trump is venerated for being a billionaire—despite inheriting his wealth—and then sneers at the wounded and dead as “losers,” openly telling his followers, “I don’t care about you, I just want your vote.”

And have you ever seen Trump laugh? It’s rare enough to see him simply smile.

Where Latino culture says life is hard so we dance anyway, modern MAGA conservatism insists life is hard so everyone else should suffer too. The joy on that halftime stage was not accidental. It was defiant. And it was deeply incompatible with the grievance-soaked worldview that now defines the American right.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Texas Gerrymander In Peril As Special Election Shows Latinos Fleeing GOP

Texas Gerrymander In Peril As Special Election Shows Latinos Fleeing GOP

This past Saturday, an under-the-radar special election for a Texas state Senate seat rocked the political world. The Democratic candidate, Taylor Rehmet, won by 14 percentage points in a district that went for President Donald Trump by 17 points in 2024.

Republicans immediately tried to spin the result, arguing that low turnout made it meaningless. That argument collapses under even minimal scrutiny. More than half of the electorate that showed up was Republican.

This formatting makes the results even more striking:

Voter partisanship:

  • Republican: 51%
  • Democrat: 35%

Results:

  • Republican: 43%
  • Democrat: 57%

The results are extra amazing given that Republicans spent over $2.4 million on the race, while Democrats spent less than $250,000.

Number crunchers are still parsing the data, and it’s wondrous to behold. Particularly noteworthy is the unmistakable fury of the Latino electorate, which foolishly swung hard toward Trump in 2024, giving him 48% of their vote despite the president’s history of bigotry and disrespect toward them.

That support has collapsed.

In this special election, Latino voters backed the Democratic candidate by an astonishing margin, 85 percent to 15 percent, according to VoteHub. This is the political cost of an administration that has chosen xenophobia and cruelty as governing tools, unleashing a campaign of intimidation and violence against immigrant communities and assuming those voters would tolerate it.

This pattern should look familiar. After Democrats stunned observers by flipping the Miami mayoral race this past December—winning it for the first time in nearly 30 years—the common thread was an enraged Latino electorate. At the time, polling suggested Latino voters were moving sharply away from the GOP, but Miami proved it.

"When Cubans in Miami are shifting the same direction as Puerto Ricans and Dominicans in NYC, something significant is happening,” tweeted Latino GOP consultant Mike Madrid after the Miami results.

You can now add Mexicans in Texas to that list.

After Democrats’ strong off-year results in November, election analyst Nate Gonzales examined whether Democrats could overcome Texas’ aggressive GOP gerrymander, which was designed to net Republicans five additional seats. Using what he described as Democrats’ “best-case scenario” based on historical voting patterns, he concluded that the party “would be able to hold three of the seats Republicans targeted with the new map, and flip two other putatively GOP seats—but they would still lose two currently Democratic-held seats (the 9th and 32nd), so the net result would be no gains for either side.” He floated a single net pickup for Democrats as a theoretical possibility but described it as “slim.”

Even a net-zero outcome in Texas would be a win since Democrats are all but guaranteed five new seats in California. That alone would represent a staggering miscalculation by Trump, who launched a redistricting war assuming Democrats would simply absorb the damage.

But Gonzales’ “best case for Democrats” analysis hinged on the idea of Latino voters reverting ro the level of support they showed Democrat Hillary Clinton in 2016, when she won 66 percent of the Latino vote.

This election blew past that.

When 85 percent of Latinos are voting Democratic, and when even some Republican voters are crossing over, the math changes fast. Suddenly, nothing is off the table this November—not just House seats but also statewide races as well, including the governorship and the Senate.

What happened in Texas on Saturday wasn’t a fluke. It was a warning. And the more data that comes in, the clearer it gets: Republicans are in real trouble, and they did it to themselves.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Rove's Warning: Latino Voters In Texas Are Fleeing The GOP Before Midterm

Rove's Warning: Latino Voters In Texas Are Fleeing The GOP Before Midterm

Veteran Republican strategist Karl Rove is now warning that his party is bleeding support in a significant Republican stronghold ahead of this fall's midterm elections.

During a recent segment on Fox News' Journal Editorial Report, Rove — who was a top advisor to former President George W. Bush – cautioned that Republicans in Texas can no longer count on the Latino voters who voted for President Donald Trump in 2024 to vote for GOP candidates in the midterms. When host Gerard Baker pointed out that Republicans make significant inroads with Latinos in the last presidential election, Rove agreed that it was a "big" problem for the GOP in keeping its majorities in the House and Senate.

"It’s a problem and we’re going to see it here in Texas," Rove said. "You can just see the support for Republicans in Texas diminishing, despite the fact that initially there was enormous support for the action in securing the border."

Baker observed that despite Republicans' mid-decade gerrymandering of U.S. House districts in Texas – which was designed to give Republicans the edge in five previously Democratic districts – the departure of Latino voters from the Republican coalition could endanger the GOP's midterm hopes in November. Rove agreed, and suggested Republicans may have made their work needlessly harder by spreading the Republican vote too thin in the Lone Star State.

"Take the district that runs from Corpus Christi to Brownsville. Donald Trump carried the district, but he carried it by one point," Rove said. "So if his support is softening among Hispanics, that makes it unlikely that we're gonna knock off an incumbent Democrat."

The GOP strategist further illustrated his point by noting that Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-TX), who Trump pardoned in 2025, refused to change parties. Trump is now actively endorsing Cuellar's likely Republican opponent in the general election, though Rove said those efforts may not be fruitful.

"Henry Cuellar ran ahead of [2024 Democratic nominee] Kamala Harris by nearly 10 points in the district that is centered from Laredo north to San Antonio," Rove said. "That's going to be a difficult district for us to carry, despite the fact that Donald Trump carried the last time around by I think four or five points."

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

Why Miami Is Now The Bellwether Of Anti-Trump Backlash (Latino Division)

Why Miami Is Now The Bellwether Of Anti-Trump Backlash (Latino Division)

Eileen Higgins wasn’t simply elected Miami’s first woman mayor on Tuesday: She will also be the first Democrat to hold the office since 1997, ending a nearly 30-year drought for the party. Higgins beat former city manager Emilio Gonzalez, her Donald Trump-backed opponent, by almost 20 points, 59-41.

It’s the kind of massive Democratic overperformance we’re seeing everywhere, and it’s a shot of energy for the city of Miami and Florida’s long-demoralized Democratic community.

Two major forces contributed to the dramatic Democratic victory, and both should terrify an already skittish Republican Party heading into 2026’s midterm elections.

Voter turnout for Miami’s mayoral races is always low, and for decades that played directly into Republican hands. Miami’s voter registration leans Democratic, but core GOP constituencies—especially the politically dominant Cuban community—have been masters of showing up. Venezuelan and Nicaraguan immigrants, animated by relentless Republican messaging that painted Democrats as “communists,” also became reliable GOP blocs.

And the system itself helped. Elections are held in off-years, with runoffs landing deep into the holiday season. The Republican-Cuban machine loved that setup. In 2021, Republicans won the mayoralty 79-12 with fewer than 25,000 votes cast despite a population of 442,000, per 2020 census stats.

This time, turnout was still anemic—just 36,000 ballots cast in a city of half a million—but something remarkable happened: Even in an election environment tailor-made to benefit Republicans, their vote collapsed. The GOP candidate’s vote total fell from 21,485 in 2021 to just 7,258 on Tuesday, despite the loud backing of both Trump and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. Republicans simply failed to get their voters to the polls, while Democrats turned theirs out. That alone is a recipe for more upsets in 2026.

But what if Republicans did turn out—and their votes flipped?

Higgins ran hard on Trump’s ongoing ICE raids and on DeSantis’ embrace of that cruelty, including his grotesque Alligator Alcatraz detention center.

“We are facing rhetoric from elected officials that is so dehumanizing and cruel, especially against immigrant populations,” Higgins told the Associated Press after her victory. “The residents of Miami were ready to be done with that.”

Miami voters certainly were, and it doesn’t look like a case of base turnout. All indications are that Republican voters flipped.

“If you thought the raw percentages looked bad for Republicans, this map is even more alarming,” tweeted Miami-based data scientist Raidel Nabut. “In the Miami mayoral race, Democrats erased the GOP’s gains from last year in Shenandoah, The Roads, and parts of Little Havana. Cuban precincts shifted 15–20 points to the left and Republicans were crushed in Anglo areas like Coconut Grove.”

Little Havana has long been a fortress of Cuban American Republicanism, rooted in decades of preferential immigration treatment and hardened by Cold War-era grievances. That preferential treatment ended in 2017 under President Barack Obama, yet Cuban immigrants still benefited from the Biden administration’s Humanitarian Parole Program for Cubans, Venezuelans, and Nicaraguans.

None of that Biden-era goodwill mattered in 2024, when all three groups voted heavily for Trump. He thanked them by ending the parole program and launching deportations of all three communities (see here, here, and here). Cubans, long accustomed to special treatment from the U.S. government, took particular offense.

Buyer’s remorse quickly followed. A May poll from Florida International University found deep discontent among the Sunshine State’s Venezuelan diaspora.

“[O]f the Venezuelans who voted for Trump in November—often referred to as MAGAzuelans—half in the FIU survey now say they regret or have mixed feelings about their choice,” reported WLRN. “Almost 40 percent of them said they will in the future vote for either a Democratic, independent or non-MAGA candidate.”

Many seemed embarrassed by their original vote. Only 32 percent of Venezuelan respondents who voted in November admitted they voted for Trump, despite his 61 percent showing in Doral. More than one-fifth refused to say whom they supported.

A July Suffolk University survey found broad Latino discontent as well. A majority of respondents—52 percent of whom identified as Hispanic or Latino—opposed Trump’s immigration policies. Sixty-one percent said ICE raids had gone too far. Fifty-nine percent opposed the termination of Temporary Protected Status for Haitians. And 52 percent said deportations of Venezuelans, Cubans, and Argentinians made them less likely to support Trump going forward.

And now we have an actual election showing a dramatic 15- to 20-point shift toward Democrats, less than a year into Trump’s presidency. With the economy wobbling, mass deportations underway, and Trump’s overall toxicity deepening, Republicans are staring at a worsening trajectory.

Amazingly, Higgins will be the first non-Latino elected mayor since 1993. She ran against a Latino who backed Trump’s MAGA agenda, and she won on the strength of the Latino vote. It’s absolute poetry.

But Trump doesn’t give a crap. He’s not on the ballot again, and the only reason he cares about Republicans at all is because they can help carry out his agenda in Congress and in state governments.

His racism is his prime directive, and he’ll act on it even if it punishes the very communities that foolishly backed him. And the rest of his party, perfectly happy to ride his coattails for years, will now face the consequences of tying themselves to his bigotry.

“When Cubans in Miami are shifting the same direction as Puerto Ricans and Dominicans in NYC, something significant is happening,” noted Latino GOP consultant Mike Madrid in a tweet on X.

He wrapped it up nicely: “Turns out Latinos are monolithic—they’re monolithically anti-Trump.”

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

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