Tag: latino voters
MAGA Masochism: When Voters Realize Their Own Party Hates Them

MAGA Masochism: When Voters Realize Their Own Party Hates Them

Why would anyone choose to belong to a political movement that openly despises them?

Here we have two stories on that same theme.

“Reid Rasner, an openly gay Republican running for Wyoming’s sole House seat, is spending the final stretch of the campaign on a project he didn’t expect: suing members of his own party for defamation,” reports Dave Weigel in Semafor. “On Friday morning, Rasner will settle one case against an Iowa man who called him a ‘pedophile’ under several of his campaign’s Facebook posts. Rasner is pursuing another case against a former GOP Wyoming state senator who he alleges led a whisper campaign accusing him of sexual misconduct.”

It is genuinely brave to be openly gay in Wyoming and especially within the Wyoming Republican Party. But saying this?

“I’ve never experienced anything like this in my entire life. … This just isn’t the Wyoming I knew or thought I knew. The state needs to come to terms with the hate and ignorance that’s fueled death threats and violence against me, all because of my sexuality,” Rasner said.

Rasner is 42. He was 14 when Matthew Shepard was brutally murdered in Wyoming because he was gay. Wyoming is arguably the most conservative state in the country, and it remains one of only a tiny handful of states without a hate-crime law, despite Shepard’s murder.

Rasner is wrong. This is exactly the Wyoming anyone paying attention would expect.

The second story comes from Texas.“Benny Melendez voted for President Donald Trump in 2024. But since Trump returned to the White House, it has been increasingly difficult for Melendez to run his small construction company in south Texas,” reports Politico. “He says immigration officers have detained workers at his job sites and while driving his company trucks. Since the beginning of 2025, more than 10 of those workers have been deported.”

Melendez now says he’s leaving the Republican Party and will vote for Democrat James Talarico in this year’s Texas Senate race.

“How can we continue voting for someone that is targeting our community?” Melendez told Politico. “There’s no way possible we’re going to support that. No way.”

Except … there was.

Trump has been targeting Latinos since the launch of his first presidential campaign, in 2015, which he kicked off by attacking Mexicans.“When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending the best. They’re not sending you, they’re sending people that have lots of problems and they’re bringing those problems,” Trump said. “They’re bringing drugs, they’re bringing crime. They’re rapists and some, I assume, are good people, but I speak to border guards and they’re telling us what we’re getting.”

And it wasn’t just Mexicans he targeted. He also attacked people from “all over South and Latin America” and “probably from the Middle East.”

None of this was hidden. It wasn’t subtle. It wasn’t buried in some obscure policy paper. It was the central message of Trump’s political movement from the very beginning.

So yes, Benny, it’s good that you’ve finally figured out Trump intends to cause the harm he promised to cause. Better late than never. That’s still a better outcome than for Rasner, who apparently intends to remain in a party whose members are accusing him of being a pedophile because he’s gay.

I probably shouldn’t sound so bitter. People can change their minds, and democracy depends on voters doing exactly that.

But it is frustrating to watch people act shocked when a movement built around grievance, exclusion, and scapegoating eventually turns on them, too. Republicans didn’t hide who they were. They built their ascent to power on it.

Maybe this time, enough people are finally willing to believe them.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

What Bad Bunny's Halftime Show Told Us About Latino Voters And Trump

What Bad Bunny's Halftime Show Told Us About Latino Voters And Trump

Latino culture is deeply steeped in the very values that conservative America claims to revere—faith, family, and tradition.

The church remains a central institution in many Latino communities, not just as a place of worship but as a social and moral anchor. It is where people gather, organize, grieve, celebrate, and find meaning.

Family is not an abstraction but a lived reality, with multigenerational households, deep obligations to parents and grandparents, and a cultural expectation that family comes before individual ambition or self-actualization.

Traditional gender roles are still present, shaped by long-standing cultural norms rather than academic theory or political fashion. There is a reason Latinos overwhelmingly rejected the “latinx” nonsense and are now rejecting the latest attempt to de-gender the language with “latine.”

These are not marginal or exotic values. They are the same ones conservatives endlessly invoke when talking about “real America,” only to dismiss or sneer at them when they exist in immigrant communities.

Despite his very overt racism and bigotry, President Donald Trump won a shocking 46 percent of the Latino vote in 2024, according to exit polls. Economics played a role, with desperate voters buying into Trump’s absurd promise of “lower prices on day one.”

But plenty of Americans faced economic hardship without resorting to backing Trump. Too many Latinos felt able to do so because, despite Trump’s open racism, there was cultural alignment—an assumption that his bigotry was aimed elsewhere, at other communities, and not at them.

To understand that alignment, just look at Bad Bunny’s Super Bowl halftime show, perhaps the most succinct and accurate depiction of Latino culture ever broadcast on an American stage.

It opens with workers harvesting sugarcane. Latinos are nothing if not hard workers—forming the backbone of American construction, agriculture, hospitality, and service industries—which conservatives claim to love.

The show then rolls through countless expressions of small-business entrepreneurship: the coconut stand, the shaved ice cart, the nail salon, the jewelry table, the taqueria, the bodega, stacks of concrete blocks waiting to become something permanent. This is the original hustle culture.

The show is saturated with multigenerational family. Abuelitas and abuelitos are everywhere—present, visible, respected. When, exactly, was the last time grandparents featured so prominently in a halftime show? Have they even been featured at all? Probably not.

The imagery is unapologetically masculine: boxers training, men working, men leading women in partnered dancing. It is also unapologetically, traditionally feminine—dresses, curves, sensuality—precisely the aesthetic the tradwife crowd claims to demand. Yet women are not sexualized ornamental props. They are mothers, brides, shopkeepers, workers, and entrepreneurs, grounded in family and community.

Yes, there was a gay couple dancing—for a split second—amid an endless sea of opposite-sex couples dancing, socializing, raising children, and getting married. As Caroline Sunshine, Trump’s 2024 deputy communications director put it:

My partner texted me after the show, “this is the most heterosexual, traditionally gendered thing I’ve seen in ages.” She wasn’t wrong.

Children are everywhere, zigging and zagging across dance floors, homes, and restaurants, because Latinos are pro-children even after they’re born—something conservatives bizarrely forget once abortion is off the table. The scene where Bad Bunny wakes up a kid at a wedding landed hard because it was instantly recognizable. Latino parents take their kids everywhere. Kids don’t get left behind so adults can party, kids are part of the party.

And while Bad Bunny drew attention for giving his Grammy to a younger version of himself, what resonated even more to me was the moment after dancing with Lady Gaga when he turns and twirls a young girl as well. Our children are not accessories. They are central characters in our lives.

Even the queer performers—Ricky Martin, Lady Gaga, and others—were not positioned as transgressive or radical. They simply occupied their place within the broader cultural framework. They belonged. They were part of the family.

Where Latinos fundamentally break from American conservatism is joy.

Joy is not a byproduct of success in Latino culture. Unlike cultures that treat professional status or financial achievement as prerequisites for a meaningful life, Latino culture has long defined success more relationally than materially. To our occasional economic detriment, joy is not deferred until we have the house or the fancy car. It has nothing to do with bank balances. Joy is integrated into daily life and shared whether or not circumstances cooperate.

That joy is not abstract or intellectual. It is physical. It lives in the body. It shows up in dancing that starts early and never really stops—children learning complex salsa steps, being twirled by grandparents right alongside them. Movement is not performance; it is participation. Joy is learned somatically, taught through rhythm, proximity, and repetition, embedded before it can ever be articulated.

It is further expressed through touch. Hugs are long and frequent. If you want to leave a gathering, best announce it 30 minutes before you actually leave, because you’re going to get multiple rounds of hugs and kisses around the room before you are allowed to leave. Affection is public and unembarrassed. Look at Bad Bunny greeting Martin:

Music is the vessel that carries all of this. Latino music is not merely entertainment—it is memory, history, grief, celebration, and connection layered into sound. It is how joy is shared within families and exported to the world. The entire energy of a room can change the second a Celia Cruz song or Rubby Pérez’s “El Africano” hits the rotation, landing just as hard with elders as with children. It truly is something to behold.

Songs become communal property, passed down, danced to, sung together, and remade—over and over again—in new styles for new generations. They form shared connective tissue across time.

You did not need to speak Spanish to feel any of that radiating from that stage. The music, the movement, the intimacy were the message. Joy was not a reward for success, but a way of living, collective, embodied, and freely offered to anyone willing to feel it. Even many MAGA conservatives begrudgingly admitted it spoke to them.

Conservatism, by contrast, is dour, punitive, and obsessed with control. It treats pleasure with suspicion, happiness as frivolous, and celebration as weakness. Trump is venerated for being a billionaire—despite inheriting his wealth—and then sneers at the wounded and dead as “losers,” openly telling his followers, “I don’t care about you, I just want your vote.”

And have you ever seen Trump laugh? It’s rare enough to see him simply smile.

Where Latino culture says life is hard so we dance anyway, modern MAGA conservatism insists life is hard so everyone else should suffer too. The joy on that halftime stage was not accidental. It was defiant. And it was deeply incompatible with the grievance-soaked worldview that now defines the American right.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Texas Gerrymander In Peril As Special Election Shows Latinos Fleeing GOP

Texas Gerrymander In Peril As Special Election Shows Latinos Fleeing GOP

This past Saturday, an under-the-radar special election for a Texas state Senate seat rocked the political world. The Democratic candidate, Taylor Rehmet, won by 14 percentage points in a district that went for President Donald Trump by 17 points in 2024.

Republicans immediately tried to spin the result, arguing that low turnout made it meaningless. That argument collapses under even minimal scrutiny. More than half of the electorate that showed up was Republican.

This formatting makes the results even more striking:

Voter partisanship:

  • Republican: 51%
  • Democrat: 35%

Results:

  • Republican: 43%
  • Democrat: 57%

The results are extra amazing given that Republicans spent over $2.4 million on the race, while Democrats spent less than $250,000.

Number crunchers are still parsing the data, and it’s wondrous to behold. Particularly noteworthy is the unmistakable fury of the Latino electorate, which foolishly swung hard toward Trump in 2024, giving him 48% of their vote despite the president’s history of bigotry and disrespect toward them.

That support has collapsed.

In this special election, Latino voters backed the Democratic candidate by an astonishing margin, 85 percent to 15 percent, according to VoteHub. This is the political cost of an administration that has chosen xenophobia and cruelty as governing tools, unleashing a campaign of intimidation and violence against immigrant communities and assuming those voters would tolerate it.

This pattern should look familiar. After Democrats stunned observers by flipping the Miami mayoral race this past December—winning it for the first time in nearly 30 years—the common thread was an enraged Latino electorate. At the time, polling suggested Latino voters were moving sharply away from the GOP, but Miami proved it.

"When Cubans in Miami are shifting the same direction as Puerto Ricans and Dominicans in NYC, something significant is happening,” tweeted Latino GOP consultant Mike Madrid after the Miami results.

You can now add Mexicans in Texas to that list.

After Democrats’ strong off-year results in November, election analyst Nate Gonzales examined whether Democrats could overcome Texas’ aggressive GOP gerrymander, which was designed to net Republicans five additional seats. Using what he described as Democrats’ “best-case scenario” based on historical voting patterns, he concluded that the party “would be able to hold three of the seats Republicans targeted with the new map, and flip two other putatively GOP seats—but they would still lose two currently Democratic-held seats (the 9th and 32nd), so the net result would be no gains for either side.” He floated a single net pickup for Democrats as a theoretical possibility but described it as “slim.”

Even a net-zero outcome in Texas would be a win since Democrats are all but guaranteed five new seats in California. That alone would represent a staggering miscalculation by Trump, who launched a redistricting war assuming Democrats would simply absorb the damage.

But Gonzales’ “best case for Democrats” analysis hinged on the idea of Latino voters reverting ro the level of support they showed Democrat Hillary Clinton in 2016, when she won 66 percent of the Latino vote.

This election blew past that.

When 85 percent of Latinos are voting Democratic, and when even some Republican voters are crossing over, the math changes fast. Suddenly, nothing is off the table this November—not just House seats but also statewide races as well, including the governorship and the Senate.

What happened in Texas on Saturday wasn’t a fluke. It was a warning. And the more data that comes in, the clearer it gets: Republicans are in real trouble, and they did it to themselves.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Rove's Warning: Latino Voters In Texas Are Fleeing The GOP Before Midterm

Rove's Warning: Latino Voters In Texas Are Fleeing The GOP Before Midterm

Veteran Republican strategist Karl Rove is now warning that his party is bleeding support in a significant Republican stronghold ahead of this fall's midterm elections.

During a recent segment on Fox News' Journal Editorial Report, Rove — who was a top advisor to former President George W. Bush – cautioned that Republicans in Texas can no longer count on the Latino voters who voted for President Donald Trump in 2024 to vote for GOP candidates in the midterms. When host Gerard Baker pointed out that Republicans make significant inroads with Latinos in the last presidential election, Rove agreed that it was a "big" problem for the GOP in keeping its majorities in the House and Senate.

"It’s a problem and we’re going to see it here in Texas," Rove said. "You can just see the support for Republicans in Texas diminishing, despite the fact that initially there was enormous support for the action in securing the border."

Baker observed that despite Republicans' mid-decade gerrymandering of U.S. House districts in Texas – which was designed to give Republicans the edge in five previously Democratic districts – the departure of Latino voters from the Republican coalition could endanger the GOP's midterm hopes in November. Rove agreed, and suggested Republicans may have made their work needlessly harder by spreading the Republican vote too thin in the Lone Star State.

"Take the district that runs from Corpus Christi to Brownsville. Donald Trump carried the district, but he carried it by one point," Rove said. "So if his support is softening among Hispanics, that makes it unlikely that we're gonna knock off an incumbent Democrat."

The GOP strategist further illustrated his point by noting that Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-TX), who Trump pardoned in 2025, refused to change parties. Trump is now actively endorsing Cuellar's likely Republican opponent in the general election, though Rove said those efforts may not be fruitful.

"Henry Cuellar ran ahead of [2024 Democratic nominee] Kamala Harris by nearly 10 points in the district that is centered from Laredo north to San Antonio," Rove said. "That's going to be a difficult district for us to carry, despite the fact that Donald Trump carried the last time around by I think four or five points."

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

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