Tag: abortion rights
Paxton and Talarico

Talarico Backs Abortion Rights, While Paxton Would Rather Let Women Die

This story first appeared in Courier Texas

On November 3, Texas voters will weigh questions about the future of reproductive healthcare as they decide whether to send Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton or Democratic State Rep. James Talarico to the U.S. Senate.

The candidates are stark opposites when it comes to abortion, with Paxton notably celebrating the end of Roe v. Wade in 2022 and threatening to impose legal ramifications on medical providers who perform abortions on women facing life-threatening conditions. Talarico has emphasized his stance against what he calls “extreme” abortion bans and outlined steps he would take to reduce Texas’ maternal mortality rates.

Here’s where each candidate stands on reproductive healthcare issues in Texas.

Where do Talarico and Paxton stand on Texas’ abortion ban?

Paxton has been outspoken about his anti-abortion stance.

In the aftermath of the Dobbs decision that repealed Roe v. Wade, Paxton called previous federally protected abortion rights “unconstitutional and unconscionable.” He expressed support for Texas’ highly restrictive abortion ban and said he looked forward to “defending the pro-life laws of Texas and the lives of all unborn children moving forward.”

In 2022, Paxton again defended Texas’ ban, which outlaws the procedure from conception, making exceptions only in exceedingly rare circumstances. When the Biden administration asserted that the EMTALA law, which requires hospitals nationwide to provide emergency care to every patient, also included performing health-saving abortions, Paxton pushed back, claiming that its directive would “transform every emergency room in the country into a walk-in abortion clinic.”

The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Texas’ abortion restrictions take precedence over EMTALA, even when an abortion is necessary to stabilize a patient experiencing a medical emergency.

Talarico, in contrast, said the state’s existing abortion restrictions have removed autonomy from women and their healthcare providers.

“I don’t believe that’s a place for the government. I don’t believe that’s a place for the state,” he said of abortion restrictions. “And that’s a belief I hold not despite my [Christian] faith, but because of my faith.”

Voters who consider themselves “pro-life” should be bothered by the risks associated with Texas’ ban, Talarico argued, particularly when it comes to the state’s very narrow scope of exceptions for extreme medical emergencies.

“They should be deeply disturbed by this abortion ban in Texas because we have women who are literally dying in emergency room parking lots because doctors are too afraid to provide the healthcare they need,” he said during an interview with The Jamie Kern Lima Show.

Dallas mom Lauren Miller had already been hospitalized twice due to a rare pregnancy side effect when she had to flee Texas to get a complex procedure to save one of the twins she was carrying. Early in her pregnancy she and her husband had learned that one of their twins suffered from Trisomy 18, a genetic condition that would lead to death in Miller’s uterus or very shortly after birth. The fetus only had half a brain, major heart issues, and other serious abnormalities.

“The risk of miscarriage with a Trisomy 18 baby is so severe that I could have lost both babies,” Miller told Courier Texas in a 2025 interview.

Miller needed a single fetal abortion to save the healthy twin. While she was already deeply ill from hyperemesis gravidarum, Miller had to board a plane and fly to Colorado for a safe procedure.

“I needed an abortion of an obviously unviable twin in order to protect the life of a viable twin. I was heading towards organ failure but apparently I wasn’t dead enough,” Miller recently told Courier Texas. “The decision between Ken Paxton and James Talarico comes down to a simple question: If you believe that a politician should make life or death medical decisions for you and your kids, by all means vote for Ken Paxton. If you believe you and your doctor know your medical needs better than a politician, vote for James Talarico.”

Talarico’s legislative record supports his stance of supporting women’s healthcare rights.

In 2022, Talarico filed HB 819, which would repeal several pre-Roe v. Wade restrictions on abortion, including the current “trigger ban” and a 1925 abortion ban that could open the door to women facing criminal prosecution for having an abortion. The proposal was advanced to the House State Affairs Committee in 2023, but failed to proceed.

How would each candidate handle medical exceptions to the ban?

When Amanda Zurawski, who almost died of sepsis when her water broke at 18 weeks of pregnancy, led a case up to the Texas Supreme Court, Ken Paxton fought the women every step of the way. The women involved in the suit sought to clarify the legal medical exceptions to Texas’s abortion ban, including asking that pregnant women carrying fetuses with fatal fetal anomalies be allowed to have legal abortions in the state.

“To me, the choice is incredibly obvious. It’s night and day,” Zurawski told Courier Texas. “I’ve met James (Talarico) as a state legislator and he’s been supportive of my work and of the other women who were plaintiffs. He apologized for the pain and suffering that I and the other women went through as a result of the abortion ban.”

When the Texas Supreme Court refused to clarify medical exceptions to the state’s abortion bans, as the women requested, Paxton celebrated the ruling.

“Ken Paxton has made life worse for us, and his legal team insisted in our court case that we weren’t even harmed by the abortion ban,” Zurawski said. “I also don’t trust that Ken Paxton will support access for Texas women to IVF—something that I need to have a family now.

“I fear that if Ken Paxton becomes our state's senator, that the amount of damage that he will do to 49 other states will know no bounds.”

When mom Kate Cox received a judge’s permission to abort her fetus after the diagnosis of a fatal fetal anomaly, Paxton immediately threatened to criminally prosecute and civilly sue her OBGYN, Dr. Damla Karsan, as well as any hospital which provided the abortion.

“Ken Paxton threatened to come after me if I had performed the abortion. He threatened me with 99 years in jail, a $100,000 fine and the loss of my medical license,” Karsan told Courier Texas.

Cox was already gravely ill from the effects of carrying a fetus with Trisomy 18, and she feared losing her fertility from the doomed pregnancy.

“If she was forced to continue the pregnancy in Texas, she would have had to undergo a C-section, which is major surgery in order to have a baby that wouldn’t survive,” Karsan said. “She already had two babies by C-section and she really wants to have a third child, but every C-section is more dangerous.”

After Paxton’s threat, Cox fled to a state where abortion was legal and underwent the procedure.

“Ken Paxton doesn’t care if Texas women die as a result of the abortion ban,” Karsan said. “His message to women is that you are only valued for your ability to bear children—but women in Texas are now afraid to start a family. I hear that from patients all the time. The ban has had a chilling effect on having children.”

Talarico has repeatedly pushed back on Texas’ ultra-strict abortion ban, calling out GOP leaders for their opposition to exceptions even in the most complex cases.

A spokesperson for Talarico emphasized Talarico’s opposition to Paxton on the issue of abortion exceptions, telling Courier Texas, “Ken Paxton has consistently pushed to criminalize women’s healthcare and put politicians in the middle of decisions that should be left to Texas women, their doctors, and their faith. Paxton defended and enforced the most extreme abortion ban in the entire country, with no exceptions for rape or incest.”

Talarico was a co-sponsor for SB 31, The Life of The Mother Act, which permits exceptions to the state’s near-absolute abortion ban by allowing doctors to intervene before a pregnant patient dies or suffers very serious physical impairment when medical criteria for the law are met.

What would they do about Texas’ maternal mortality rate?

Texas’ maternal mortality rate has consistently measured higher than the national average—and women of color face the starkest consequences. From 2016-2020, 83 Black women died per 100,000 live births in Harris County, Texas—the highest rate in the US.

In September 2026, the family of Tierra Walker, a Black woman who died after developing preeclampsia during pregnancy, sued Paxton and other defendants. They alleged that Texas’ abortion restrictions and the type of care she received contributed to her death, ProPublica reported.

Paxton has made no public comment on Walker’s death. His campaign website does not mention maternal health, but states he “will work alongside President Trump to Make America Healthy Again.”

Talarico has spoken publicly about maternal mortality, proposing specific reduction measures like insurance coverage for doulas and midwives and supporting the Healthy Start program, whose stated mission is “to improve the health and well-being of women, infants, and families in Dallas County by providing comprehensive prenatal, maternal, postpartum, and infant care.”

A statement on Talarico’s campaign website says he hopes to “end maternal care deserts, improve data collection, provider training, and investment in maternal health research, extend eligibility for the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC)” and “guarantee all new mothers can take time off work to tend to their health.

Dr. Austin Dennard is a Dallas OB-GYN and mother who learned early in her third pregnancy that the fetus had anancephaly—a condition not compatible with survival. Despite wanting the pregnancy, she and her husband traveled out of state for an abortion.

“I have spent my entire adult life training to care for women in the moments when minutes matter,” Dennard told Courier Texas. “OB-GYNs wake up in the middle of the night to operate on ruptured ectopic pregnancies. We run toward hemorrhages. We deliver babies in emergencies, perform life-saving surgery with little warning and make extraordinarily complicated decisions under enormous pressure. We train for years to know what to do when a woman’s life is suddenly in our hands.

“So I have very little patience for politicians who have never taken care of a patient, never stood in an operating room at 2 a.m., never managed an obstetric hemorrhage, and never had to make a split-second decision to save a woman’s life, telling us how to practice medicine.”

Dennard said Paxton has championed a version of government in which politicians and prosecutors can second-guess doctors and women during extraordinarily complex medical circumstances.

“We have seen the consequences of that approach in Texas: fear, confusion, delayed care and physicians forced to consider the legal consequences of treatment while standing at a patient’s bedside.”

She said Talarico brings a different approach to governance in Texas.

“James Talarico offers something fundamentally different: trust. Trust women to know their own lives. Trust physicians who have devoted theirs to caring for them. And understand that bodily autonomy isn’t some abstract political argument. It is a fundamental freedom.

“OBYNs don’t need politicians practicing medicine from the Capitol. We need them to get out of the exam room and let us do the jobs we sacrificed so much of our lives to learn how to do.”

Bonnie Fuller is the former CEO and editor-in-chief of HollywoodLife.com and former editor-in-chief of Glamour, Cosmopolitan, Marie Claire, and USWeekly. Follow her substack, Bonnie Fuller: Your Body Your Choice. from which this is reprinted with permission.

Reprinted with permission from American Journal News

A crowd of abortion rights protesters holding signs in Foley Square in New York City

Abortion On The Ballot Again As Post-Roe Policies Evolve

By Bram Sable-Smith and Jazmin Orozco Rodriguez, KFF Health News

MAPLEWOOD, Mo. — After Missouri voters added abortion protections to the state constitution in 2024, Kelly McCoomb decided to keep her yard sign supporting the measure in the basement of her suburban St. Louis home.

Abortion access is important to McCoomb. She wants her daughter to grow up in a state where the option is available if needed, and the sign was a keepsake from the day Missourians voted to reverse the state’s near-total ban. McCoomb also couldn’t shake the feeling that she’d need to display the sign in her yard again soon.

“I have little faith in our Missouri government,” McCoomb said, sitting on her front porch.

Sure enough, just two years later, the state’s Republican-dominated legislature is asking Missouri voters to overturn the abortion protections they recently supported. The conflicting measures even have the same title: Amendment 3. But while a “yes” vote in 2024 supported adding protections to the state constitution, a “no” vote in 2026 would keep them. McCoomb covered the “YES” on her yard sign with a “NO” made from black duct tape before placing the sign back in her yard.

Voters will weigh in on abortion in Missouri, and three other states, in the November general election. Missouri is also one of two states voting on it for the second time since 2024. Nevada will vote again, too.

The spate of referendums comes after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned federal abortion protections with its 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, leaving each state to make its own abortion policy. The result has been a patchwork of state rules with varying degrees of bans or limitations, and even a series of “shield laws” in states where abortion remains legal that aim to protect providers from prosecution in states where it's not.

“I just think there's a constitutional crisis that's coming,” said Kristi Hamrick, vice president of media and policy for the anti-abortion organization Students for Life Action.

“Can you have 50 state standards on whether or not a human being is a human being? Can you have 50 state standards on whether human beings have legal protection?” Hamrick said.

Advocacy Groups Work To Clarify Ballot Measures

That patchwork of abortion protections is the reason Nevadans for Reproductive Freedom introduced the 2024 ballot measure to enshrine the state’s law allowing abortions up to 24 weeks after conception into the state constitution, said Denise Lopez, president of the coalition.

The measure received strong support two years ago, with 64% of voters in favor. Nevada law requires two majority votes to enshrine constitutional amendments, so voters will need to support the expanded protection again in November for it to be enacted.

The Nevada ballot measure wouldn’t change the state’s existing law allowing abortions up to 24 weeks after conception. But the proposal would make it more difficult to overturn abortion access, requiring voter approval of any new ban in two elections.

Lopez said Nevadans for Reproductive Freedom has been campaigning to ensure voters are still mobilized.

“Folks care about it,” she said. “They're seeing what's happening at the national level, and they want to make sure that whatever's happening in our neighboring states, like Idaho and Utah, doesn't happen here in Nevada.”

Idaho, where a ballot measure establishing abortion rights recently qualified to go before voters in November, has one of the strictest abortion bans in the country. Voters will decide whether state statute should allow abortion through fetal viability, the point when a fetus can survive after birth, which is generally considered to be around 24 weeks.

In Utah, abortion is allowed up to 18 weeks while legal challenges to the state’s ban continue.

In Virginia, where abortion is already allowed through two trimesters of pregnancy, until 28 weeks, voters will decide whether to amend their state constitution to codify those rights.

Missouri is the only state voting this year on removing abortion protections already on the books. The measure would repeal the 2024 amendment that guaranteed abortion access through fetal viability in the state and replace it with a ban on abortions with exceptions for medical emergencies, fetal anomalies, and pregnancies resulting from rape or incest. Abortions for rape and incest would have to occur before 12 weeks of pregnancy.

Missouri was the first state to ban abortion after the Dobbs decision in 2022. At that time, abortions had already mostly ceased in the state after three decades of state regulations targeting the practice, including a 72-hour waiting period, minimum dimensions for procedure rooms and hallways in clinics that provide abortions, and a mandate that the clinicians have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals, among others. Only 150 abortions were performed in Missouri in 2021, down from 5,772 in 2011, state records show.

Even though Missouri voters backed the abortion amendment in 2024, it took nearly two years for medication abortions to resume in the state.

A Second Vote Causes Confusion

Margot Riphagen-Dunn, CEO of St. Louis-based Planned Parenthood Great Rivers, said the whiplash of a second statewide vote on abortion mirrors the confusion that patients have experienced about whether abortion is available in the state.

“Chaos is kind of the point here,” Riphagen-Dunn said, “and it is absolutely a tactic that gets in the way of being able to provide.”

The confusion has presented problems for abortion opponents in the state as well.

“I think it’s unfortunate,” said Reagan Barklage, who is a vice president of Students for Life of America and the treasurer of the Missouri Students for Life Ballot Committee. “People need to be very clear on what they’re voting for.”

Barklage said she has had to correct anti-abortion voters while out canvassing to remind them that they are voting “yes” on Amendment 3 this year even though they voted “no” on Amendment 3 last time.

“It is crazy that it ended up being even the same number. I do not think that was intentional, but we’ve got to deal with what we’ve got,” Barklage said, adding, “I hope the pro-choicers kept their yard signs from last time.”

In Maplewood, Missouri, McCoomb said she was happy that her repurposed sign supporting abortion access had been noticed.

“I hope lots of people see and remember to revote,” McCoomb said.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

Exploiting Anti-Trans Fear, Missouri GOP Aims To Repeal Abortion Rights

Exploiting Anti-Trans Fear, Missouri GOP Aims To Repeal Abortion Rights

Two years ago, abortion opponents in Missouri tried to defeat Amendment 3, a ballot initiative to enshrine reproductive rights in the state constitution, by falsely telling voters that it would allow gender transition surgeries for minors — even though it wouldn’t.

Voters approved Amendment 3 anyway, overturning the near-total abortion ban enacted by Missouri’s GOP-dominated legislature that had taken effect after the U.S. Supreme Court struck down Roe v. Wade in 2022.

Now Republican leaders in the state are trying to repeal those rights again, using the same issue. They placed a new amendment on the November ballot, also called Amendment 3, that would restore Missouri’s abortion ban while allowing limited exceptions but also constitutionally prohibit gender transition care for minors — though the state has banned surgeries and new prescriptions of puberty blockers and hormones by law since August 2023.

For the Missouri GOP, Election Day can often seem like Groundhog Day. The party holds a supermajority in the legislature and controls every statewide office, yet voters have repeatedly used the initiative petition process to enact policies Republican leaders oppose. By gathering enough signatures, citizens have placed proposals directly on the ballot, then persuaded voters to expand Medicaid, legalize marijuana, raise the minimum wage and restore abortion rights.

This month, that disconnect became an electoral humiliation for Republican leaders. More than 80% of voters rejected their attempt to make it nearly impossible for citizens to amend the state constitution. It was even worse for Gov. Mike Kehoe’s plan to phase out the state income tax: More than 83 percent voted no.

Missouri Republicans have become “drunk with power,” said Ken Warren, a professor emeritus of political science at Saint Louis University and associate director of the SLU/YouGov Poll. “Because they control everything, they think they can do what they want — and they can’t.”

The new Amendment 3 on the November ballot shows how Republicans, using misleading language, a carefully chosen distraction and even a recycled name, are trying to undo one of those defeats. In 2024, a yes vote on Amendment 3 protected abortion rights. In November, voters will again be asked to vote yes on Amendment 3 — this time to take them away.

Republican leaders say voters never intended to approve a nearly unlimited right to abortion. They argue that Missourians would prefer an abortion ban with limited exceptions for rape, incest, medical emergencies and fetal anomalies — particularly when it is paired with restrictions on gender transition care for minors.

It would not take much to reverse the 2024 result. Abortion rights passed 51.6 percent to 48.4 percent — meaning a shift of about 48,000 voters would have defeated the measure.

Critics call the inclusion of gender care “ballot candy,” a way to make an unpopular proposal easier to swallow. They say the tactic is especially cynical because it promises voters a prohibition that, in large part, Missouri already has. State law already bans gender transition surgery for minors and, through August 2027, bars minors from starting puberty blockers or cross-sex hormones for gender transition. Amendment 3 would place the restrictions in the state constitution without an expiration date.

The two provisions bundled together differ enormously in scope. Repealing reproductive rights would affect the healthcare options available to a state with about 6.3 million people. The restrictions on gender transition care concern a small number of minors receiving highly specialized treatment.

Yet supporters want voters focused on the specter of children being used as lab guinea pigs, not the abortion rights the amendment would repeal. A new billboard in the St. Louis suburbs urges them to vote yes and “ban transgender surgeries for minors.”

A website for the political action committee behind the campaign, Her Health, Her Future — whose treasurer is Missouri first lady Claudia Kehoe — declares “OUR CHILDREN are not LAB EXPERIMENTS.” It says Amendment 3 would protect children from “harmful, sterilizing medical procedures” and restore “common sense health and safety standards” for women’s health clinics.

Neither message explicitly says that the amendment would repeal the constitutional right to abortion that Missourians approved two years ago.

Claudia Kehoe did not respond to requests for comment submitted to the governor’s office and the PAC. In a written endorsement posted on the Her Health, Her Future website, she called the amendment “a critical step toward strengthening our pro-life protections and safeguarding our state’s future.”

In response to a list of questions that ProPublica submitted to the governor’s office, a spokesperson defended the amendment using much the same language that critics call deceptive. The spokesperson emphasized protecting children from “sex-change procedures,” safeguarding women and restoring the state’s power to “regulate” abortion providers. The response did not acknowledge that Amendment 3 would repeal the constitutional reproductive rights Missourians approved in 2024 and replace them with an abortion ban that contains limited exceptions.

Polling suggests the strategy could work. A survey in February of Missouri voters by the SLU/YouGov Poll found that nearly 60 percent supported legal abortion during the first eight weeks of pregnancy. But 67 percent opposed gender transition medications for minors, and 73 percent opposed gender transition surgeries. Presented with the amendment’s provisions together, voters favored it 47 to 40 percent.

Rep. Brian Seitz, a Branson Republican who guided the amendment through the House, denied that supporters were trying to trick voters. He said the gender-affirming treatment was itself a reproductive issue because some procedures could affect a minor’s ability to have children.

Seitz also disputed that Missourians knowingly approved abortion rights through fetal viability in 2024. He said voters were primarily seeking exceptions for rape, incest, medical emergencies and fetal anomalies — not what he called “abortion on demand.”

The new amendment, he said, better reflects what voters intended.

Abortion rights supporters call that argument a pretext for restoring the state’s abortion ban. A coalition of groups called Stop the Ban has raised more than $5 million to try to explain what the amendment would do and persuade voters to reject it. That total includes $1.25 million contributed on August 3 by former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg.

Bloomberg’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

Republicans are always “moving a goalpost to sort of get their way, and it is my hope that actual patriots are growing tired of it,” said Rep. Raychel Proudie, a Democrat from Ferguson. “You shouldn’t have to do this if what you’re planning is righteous and in the best interest of people.”

The effort began with the ballot summary written by lawmakers. It did not tell voters that Amendment 3 would repeal the reproductive rights they had approved two years earlier. Instead, it said the measure would “guarantee access” to emergency care, “ensure women’s safety during abortions” and “protect children from gender transition.”

The summary also mentioned exceptions for rape and incest but omitted that they would apply only during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy.

Michael Wolff, a former chief justice of the Missouri Supreme Court who is advising the campaign against the amendment, said the language appeared to be “intended to deceive people into thinking that they were going to protect women having abortions.”

“If you just flat-out tell them that you’re going to repeal nearly all of the protection for reproductive health,” he said, “the people would vote no.”

A judge ruled the legislature’s summary unfair and ordered it rewritten. He later approved revised language written by Republican Secretary of State Denny Hoskins, a former state legislator who introduced a measure that became part of the 2023 law restricting gender transition care and has publicly endorsed Amendment 3.

But a state appeals court found Hoskins’ language still failed to explain the amendment’s effects and rewrote it to lead with the fact that it would “repeal the 2024 voter-approved amendment providing reproductive healthcare rights, including abortion through fetal viability.”

In an interview, Hoskins defended his initial choice to use the word “amend,” rather than “repeal,” because he felt it was more accurate. Asked how his endorsement of the new Amendment 3 squared with his duty to write neutral ballot language, he said his anti-abortion stance was no secret among Missouri voters.

“I can’t all of a sudden erase my conservative views of the past 16 years in the Missouri Legislature,” he said.

The intervention was hardly an isolated one. During Hoskins’ first 1.5 years in office, courts have rejected or rewritten five ballot summaries from his office involving abortion, education, the initiative petition process and a referendum on the state’s newly gerrymandered congressional map.

Hoskins said in an interview that the rulings reflected differences of opinion over what constitutes fair and accurate language, noting that the appellate courts had also sometimes rejected revisions made or approved by lower courts.

But the disputes have gone beyond language. Hoskins has also unilaterally blocked two citizen-led measures from reaching the November ballot. He rejected a proposed constitutional amendment that would make it harder for lawmakers to alter measures approved by voters, saying it was unconstitutional. And he refused to certify a referendum on Missouri’s new congressional map, drawn at President Donald Trump’s urging to help Republicans gain another U.S. House seat, declaring that putting a congressional map to a public vote would be unconstitutional.

Both campaigns sued in state circuit court, where a judge on Wednesday ruled for Hoskins in both cases. In the initiative case, the judge held that Hoskins had the authority to block an amendment from the ballot because it violated Missouri’s requirements that an initiative address a single subject and amend a single constitutional article. He also found that its restrictions on lawmakers’ ability to reconsider voter-approved policies was unconstitutional. And in the redistricting case, the judge agreed with Hoskins that voters cannot use the state’s referendum power to overturn the legislature’s power to redraw congressional maps.

Both cases are expected to reach the state Supreme Court on expedited appeals.

Hoskins said he disagreed with any suggestion that he and Republican leaders were defying the will of voters, noting they, too, had been elected. He criticized the opponents of Amendment 3 as “liberal special interest groups” financed by “out-of-state sugar daddies” like Bloomberg.

State Sen. Maggie Nurrenbern, a Kansas City Democrat, said Hoskins’ actions reflected a broader pattern of interfering with voters’ ability to use the ballot box to reject the Republican agenda.

“That’s quite frankly what is maddening to me, is that politicians over and over again are trying to trick voters,” she said.

Reprinted with permission from Pro Publica

Blanche Agrees To Consider New Restrictions On Mail-Order Abortion Medication

Blanche Agrees To Consider New Restrictions On Mail-Order Abortion Medication

Anti abortion Republican senators scored a big win from embattled acting Attorney General Todd Blanche during his contentious confirmation hearing to lead the Department of Justice.

After a forceful demand by Texas Senators John Cornyn and Ted Cruz to restrict the mailing of the abortion pill, mifepristone, Blanche agreed on July 15 to revisit the current Department of Justice interpretation of the 1973 Comstock Act, which allows the nationwide mailing of the abortion pill.

Under former President Joe Biden, the Department of Justice issued a legal opinion stating that the 1873 Comstock Act which makes it illegal to send ‘‘abortion -causing articles’ through the mail, is not applicable to abortion medications today.

Sen.Ted Cruz (R-TX), asked Blanche if he is confirmed, to “commit to carefully reviewing that opinion to ensure that it faithfully reflects the actual statutory text that Congress enacted” in 1873.

Blanche replied, “yes, I will.”

If Blanche’s DOJ re-interprets the Comstock Act to be enforceable nationally today, it opens the door for the Trump administration to prevent women in states with abortion bans, from receiving abortion pills through the mail to end their pregnancies safely at home.

Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) exacted the same promise from Blanche to review the 153 year-old Comstock Act after lying in the hearing by claiming that mifepristone is being sent to pregnant women throughout the country "without any medical guidance. whatsoever."

In reality, mifepristone can only be received through the mail by an online pharmacy, after being prescribed in a telemedicine appointment with a physician or other licensed medical provider.

Mifepristone is used in a two-pill abortion regimen with the drug misoprostol.

“There are strict state laws about prescribing mifepristone through telemedicine,” counters attorney Julie F. Kay.

“Nothing is being done that is sloppy or hazardous”, explains Kay, who is the Founder and CEO of Reproductive Futures, a non profit, which advances telemedicine abortion access nationwide.

LIes About Abortion Pills Weaponized By GOP Senators and Blanche

Cornyn claimed to Blanche that mifepristone has hurt women ‘‘as a result of side effects, heavy bleeding, prolonged potentially infection or sepsis, incomplete abortion and other complications.”

The truth is that since mifepristone was approved in 2000 by the FDA for use in abortions it has had a rate of adverse reactions of less than one percent.

The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) calls it “safe and effective” based on “reputable, peer-reviewed and scientifically valid medical literature.”

In the same confirmation hearing GOP Sen. Katie Britt of Alabama, who called herself a “champion of the unborn,” claimed that “women are being put in harm’s way” because the FDA allowed mifepristone to be delivered by mail during the COVID epidemic and then since 2021 , beginning under the Biden administration.

Sen Josh Hawley (R-MO), whose attorney wife Erin Hawley presented before the Supreme Court in a case seeking to rescind the FDA’s approval of mifepristone, also pleaded with Blanche to restrict mifepristone’s availability through the mail.

He presented charts allegedly showing an increase in abortions in his home state of Missouri since Roe v. Wade was overturned in 2022. However, it was unclear where he sourced those numbers.

Abortions became illegal in Missouri after Roe was overturned and only became legal again, up to the point of viability, in 2025 after voters in his state passed a constitutional amendment guaranteeing the right to reproductive freedom.

However, abortions are still extremely difficult to get in Missouri due to a lack of clinics and Republican state legislators are placing a new constitutional amendment on Missouri’s November’s ballot, which would ban almost all abortions in the state again.

What was very clear from the number of Republican senators who put Blanche in the crosshairs over the access of American women to mifepristone by mail, is that they are furious that medication abortions are so popular.

By 2023 abortions using the FDA approved two drug regimen – accounted for 65% of all abortions, many prescribed through telemedicine appointments with doctors.

In states where Republicans control the legislatures and abortions are banned, the number of medication abortions is unsurprisingly high. In Wyoming, 95 percent and in Montana 84 percent of abortions are now medication abortions enabled through telehealth appointments and online pharmacies.

In fact, the number of abortions has actually increased nationally since Roe was overturned, increasing pressure on anti-abortion Republican senators from voters in their base to shut down the flow of abortion pills into their states.

Hypocrisy As GOP Senators Claim To Want To Protect Women

Senators Hawley and Britt also used their time in Blanche’s hearings to claim that they want to protect women from being coerced by husbands and boyfriends to take mifepristone and abort their pregnancies against their will – situations, yet to be proven in court.

Meanwhile, neither they nor Texas Senators Ted Cruz and John Cornyn, have ever publicly voiced any concern about the 56 percent increase in maternal mortality since Texas’s first abortion ban was implemented in 2021.

Nor the fact that the US has by far the highest rate of maternal mortality in high income countries with 22.3 women per 100,000 dying versus the next highest country, Chile at 14.3 per 100,000.

At least 12 pregnant women have been documented to have died during miscarriages and other pregnancy complications since bans became law in 22 states.

Groups supporting the availability of mifepristone vow to continue to fight any attempt by Blanche to curtail its access through the mail.

“Attacks like Todd Blanche’s are yet another humiliating bid for support from anti abortion extremists, but abortion medication isn’t ever going away,” assures Lizzy Hinkley, Legal Director for the Abortion Coalition for Telemedicine ( ACT).

“Providers across the country – in partnership with ACT – are working fastidiously to ensure telemedicine never falters.”

Liz Wagner, senior federal policy counsel at the Center for Reproductive Rights, agrees. “Whether in a clinic or via telehealth, medication abortion is popular and the anti abortion movement can’t stand it.”

“ The only takeaway from this hearing is that anti abortion politicians will stop at nothing to try to ban abortion nationwide – even pressuring the Trump administration to misuse Victorian – era laws like the Comstock Act, to do it.”

Bonnie Fuller is the former CEO and editor-in-chief of HollywoodLife.com and former editor-in-chief of Glamour, Cosmopolitan, Marie Claire, and USWeekly. Follow her substack, Bonnie Fuller: Your Body Your Choice. from which this is reprinted with permission.

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