Tag: emmanuel macron
France's Rioting Has Nothing To Do With Immigrants -- And Everything To Do With Prices

France's Rioting Has Nothing To Do With Immigrants -- And Everything To Do With Prices

Polls being what they are, Republicans and their supporters must be feeling a bit like the condemned Frenchmen who rode to the guillotine during the Reign of Terror. It's fitting, then, that they are seizing on unrest in France as a desperate campaign gambit. "The Riots in France Are a Warning for America," declared The Federalist. And what is the lesson? "Mass immigration will split your country in two, and the two sides will eventually go to war."

Rep. Keith Self, chairman of the Foreign Affairs subcommittee on Europe, had the script down pat:

"They've been allowing this to happen for years and years, so they are reaping what they sowed. ... We're also trying to get a handle on our mass migration consequences, just like France should have done years ago. That's why I say this is a lesson to America. We are watching the future of America in France and the U.K., frankly."

So did Speaker Mike Johnson:

"France is descending into chaos because they wanted OPEN BORDERS — just like the socialist Democrats in America. What we are witnessing is a chilling warning for all Americans of what happens if the radical Marxist insurgent left gets their way."

JD Vance warned that "This is the future congressional Democrats seek for your country."

Naturally, President Donald Trump picked up the baton, telling reporters that the French protests were about "immigration, not schools," and posting:

"France is burning! The immigration of people from an entirely different world, people with hatred in their hearts, has shattered that once great country. Close your Borders and take control, before it is too late!"

Back in reality, there is no evidence that the French protests and riots have anything at all to do with immigration. There has been Islamist violence in France over the years, perpetrated by immigrants or children of immigrants, perhaps most famously the attack on the Paris offices of the magazine Charlie Hebdo in 2015 and the horrific Nice truck attack the following year that killed 86.

But that's not what's happening today, and no desperate eagerness by American Republicans to hijack these protests for their flailing campaigns can change that. There is no data on the ethnicity or color of the thousands of people arrested in the past week — France doesn't keep such records. Students in the Paris suburbs were protesting for weeks before the violence started. Similar protests have spread to Lyon, Marseilles, Lille, Bordeaux, and many other smaller cities and rural areas — and so did the violence. What originated with students protesting poorly equipped high schools expanded to farmers and labor unions.

Some of the rioters are dissolute young men who were itching to pick a fight with the police, but the original demonstrators were students complaining about the long-running underfunding of French schools. Others who joined are furious about the price of gasoline and diesel, and the high cost of living in general. So a more likely cause of the unrest in France isn't immigration but Trump's half-baked decision to attack Iran without buy-in from Congress. In fact, the high cost of fuel and associated inflation is causing unrest in other European countries including Italy, Portugal, Belgium and Albania. (The Albanians were already displeased by a corruption scandal linked to a resort development project by Jared Kushner and Ivanka Trump.)

The protests in France do bear a lesson for the United States, but it's not the one the GOP prefers. France has a weakness for a la barricade. Princeton's David A. Bell quotes an old saying: "While the United States has three branches of government, France has four: the executive, the legislative, the judiciary, and the street." In 2018, the country was nearly paralyzed by the gilets jaunes (yellow vests) protests over fuel taxes. But today's protests and riots are different. They have an end-of-an-era feel.

People are demanding better services and lower prices but are unwilling to make the trade-offs those things demand. France's finances are in terrible shape, the effect of low growth and high spending on entitlements. France has been a poor place to start a business for decades. A 2012 "millionaire's tax" failed and was abandoned.

Efforts to deal with the crushing burden of pensions for the elderly — for example, Emmanuel Macron's push to raise the retirement age from 62 to 64 — have been met with fierce resistance. France has been borrowing to cover its costs, but the bond markets are having their say, charging France more to borrow than Italy or Greece. France now spends more to service its debt than it spends on defense or education. And because America is stepping back from global leadership, the demands on France's budget for defense will only increase.

Lenders take account not just of a country's debt to GDP ratio but also its political stability and likelihood to repay its debts. When you look at France, you see rising support for Marine Le Pen, a right-wing extremist who is as soft on Putin as she is tough on immigrants. But on the important matter of France's fiscal health, she makes Trumpian promises of cutting aid to immigrants while promising to reverse Macron's increase in the retirement age. Swell. No hope of economic sanity there.

Over on the left, Jean-Luc Melenchon has made noises about repudiating part of France's debt, a fast road to Venezuelan-style collapse. There are more centrist candidates who offer more realistic reforms, but none seems to have political traction at this moment.

The United States is not, for a variety of reasons, in quite as bad shape economically as France, but the GOP, once supposedly the party that at least paid lip service to the problem of our national debt (are you out there, Paul Ryan?) has become utterly blithe about economic realities under Trump. Not only have his tariff and war policies raised prices, but his irresponsible tax cuts combined with ballooning spending have saddled us with unsustainable debt. Like France, we are now spending more on debt service than on defense.

Lenders, by nature or necessity an unsentimental bunch, don't seem to trust us more than they trust France to make sensible governing choices about taxes and spending. In fact, they trust us less. France is on fire, yet their 10-year bond yield only recently surpassed five percent, while as recently as last month we were being charged 5.2 percent. Potential lenders see a nation beclowned by repeated government shutdowns, threats to default on debt (by not raising the debt ceiling), and now in Trump 2.0, attacks on the integrity and independence of the Federal Reserve. It's impossible to say with specificity how threats to conquer Greenland, Iceland and Canada, the reality of abandoning Ukraine and sucking up to Putin, and wild swings of tariff policy play into perceptions of U.S. stability, but it can't be reassuring.

The lessons from France have nothing to do with immigration and irrepressible civil war. The primary lesson is: Don't spend more than you earn. Don't elect idiots who know little of economic reality and care less. Don't impose inflation-triggering tariffs on your allies. Don't start wars you have no idea how to win. Don't tell yourself fairy tales about immigrants causing all your problems when you fail at the most basic tasks of governing.


With Progressive Wins In UK And France, Liberal Democracy Is Far From Dead

With Progressive Wins In UK And France, Liberal Democracy Is Far From Dead

French voters defied the expectations of pollsters on Sunday as a progressive alliance soared to victory over right-wing nationalists in the country’s legislative elections. On Monday, President Emmanuel Macron, whose own centrist party came in second, refused the resignation of France’s prime minister. A new government is expected to emerge from a coalition of the progressive New Popular Front, which took the greatest number of seats, and Macron’s Ensemble alliance. Forming that coalition government may not go smoothly, but the nationalist National Rally was relegated to a third-place finish.

Marine Le Pen, the de facto leader of National Rally, had promised to curtail French support of Ukraine, end birthright citizenship, block immigrants from accessing social services, and align France with Russia. But on Monday, National Rally leaders found themselves complaining that progressive parties had cheated as they faced another cycle in the political wilderness.

The result follows a landslide victory for U.K.’s center-left Labour Party, which sent the Conservative Party packing after a 14-year hold on the British government. Labour leader Keir Starmer was sworn in as the new prime minister shortly thereafter, and the more progressive leadership promises to repair more than a decade of damage done to the national health care system, raise the minimum wage, provide free meals to schoolchildren, improve environmental protections and public transportation, and create a new, publicly owned energy company.

In other words, despite the rising threat against democracy in many places around the world (and at home), liberal democracy isn't dead just yet.

There has been story after story suggesting that liberal democracy is on its last legs. That’s been particularly true over the last few years when authoritarian populists celebrated and supported by Russia have dominated reports on election cycles, both in America and Europe.

Stories continue to herald the rise of a new authoritarian right in Europe, but the nationalist leaders who often dominate headlines share one thing in common: They usually lose. Nigel Farage, leader of the far-right Reform U.K. party, may have given a so-called “victory speech” following his country’s elections, but his party took just 14 percent of the vote. That’s more than Reform earned in previous elections, but the result earned them only five seats in the U.K.’s 650-seat House of Commons—five seats that are worth a lot less without a right-wing government in charge.

Germany’s far-right Alternatives for Germany party may have increased its support in the last round of elections, but it still earned less than 16 percent of the vote in the European Parliament elections held on June 9. That’s slightly below what polls showed a week from the election, and far below what they showed a few months earlier.

Outside of Europe, Mexico celebrated a substantial progressive victory last month, when Claudia Sheinbaum and her left-wing Morena party took the highest percentage of the vote in that nation’s democratic history. In India, parties on the left overperformed expectations, though they failed to displace a right-wing leader.

The pundits ready to play taps for democracy in Europe need to take off their funeral suits because it doesn’t seem like liberal democracy is going anywhere this week. If anything, it’s the right-wing parties that have emerged from recent elections rattled by voters who moved to install more progressive leadership. It seems like nationalists may have had their big moment in 2016 with the unexpected victory of Donald Trump in the United States and the shocking vote for “Brexit” in the U.K.

Since then, Brexit has been recognized as a mistake, with recent polling showing that most Britons want to rejoin the European Union's single market, and now voters in the U.K. have kicked out the Tories, who were responsible for the Brexit vote. And in the U.S., voters held up their end in 2020.

Now we just have to do it again.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

Danziger Draws

Danziger Draws


Jeff Danziger lives in New York City and Vermont. He is a long time cartoonist for
The Rutland Herald and is represented by Counterpoint Syndicate. He is a recipient of the Herblock Prize and the Thomas Nast (Landau) Prize. He served in the US Army in Vietnam and was awarded the Bronze Star and the Air Medal. He has published eleven books of cartoons, a novel and a memoir. Visit him at DanzigerCartoons.

In Sex Cases, An Accusation Is Not Proof Of Guilt

In Sex Cases, An Accusation Is Not Proof Of Guilt

The French actor Gerard Depardieu is world-known as a lusty, usually charming pursuer of the carnal. He's now being accused of crimes against women, some violent in nature. A star of French cinema, Depardieu is being defended by French President Emmanuel Macron. Other supporters are former French first lady Carla Bruni, actress Charlotte Rampling and Depardieu's former partner, actress Carole Bouquet.

An accusation is not a conviction. It is common in custody battles for one parent to falsely accuse the other of child abuse. Jilted lovers are known to smear their ex-partners for revenge. Grifters make false accusations to shake "deep pockets" down for money. And some accusers are mentally unstable.

Depardieu might be guilty of serious crimes, but isn't it early to talk about stripping away his Legion of Honor medal? Depardieu denies the charges of rape and assault and, as Macron says, he deserves a presumption of innocence until a court decides otherwise.

A group leading the war against Depardieu, called MeTooMedia, responded to Macron, "You invoked the presumption of innocence, as if innocence took precedence over presumption."

Well, doesn't it?

Look, serious allegations must be investigated. But until it's established that a crime has been committed, it's only someone's word.

Depardieu is a big fat target who makes gross sexist remarks on the record. A character of enormous appetites, Depardieu is no Cary Grant, nor ever was.

But while rape is a violent crime, publicly saying crude things about a girl on a horse is not. A company would be well in its rights to dismiss an employee who did this, but then the perp would be jobless not incarcerated.

It's not against the law to be a pig, which based on Depardieu's rap sheet of filthy remarks, he may well be. Anyone who wants to boycott his movies is free to do so. Barring him from appearing in movies, however, is another matter.

Hardly a day goes by without some news report that "So-and-so has been accused of sexual harassment." Therefore, he must step down or be blacklisted or hand someone a bag of money. And it's alarming how many allegedly smart people fail to ask whether the individual was guilty and, if so, whether the charge involved truly serious misconduct.

When Joe Biden was running for president in 2020, a random woman accused him of grabbing her privates. What followed were urgent calls for him to leave the race, not so much from Republicans but from Democrats backing one of Biden's competitors for the nomination.

"In an ideal world, the Democrats would not have nominated a candidate whose history included guerrilla-nuzzling women and a possible sexual assault," Jennifer Senior wrote in The New York Times back in 2020.

All this before taking a close look at Biden's accuser. Tara Reade had a history of knocking on the door of her landlord to ask for emotional support. She often didn't pay her rent. She also had a thing for Vladimir Putin and eventually defected to Russia. Yet on the basis of this troubled woman's unverified accusations, Biden's campaign could have fallen.

It's not just the veracity of the accusation that needs questioning; it is also the accusation itself. Biden did "nuzzle" the back of at least one woman's head. He shouldn't have not done that, but characterizing that dated fatherly gesture as a "guerrilla" attack was hysterical.

One of the biggest raps against Depardieu, according to Le Monde, is that, on a trip to North Korea, he was heard "making explicit sexual comments in the presence of a female interpreter." That was no reason for a wax museum in Paris to immediately remove his figure.

Accusations are not facts. How about waiting for facts?

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

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