Tag: renee nicole good
Unprecedented: Prosecutors Resign Over Trump's ICE Shooting Coverup

Unprecedented: Prosecutors Resign Over Trump's ICE Shooting Coverup

The stunning resignations on Monday of four senior career officials from the Criminal Section of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division confirm that DOJ has gone profoundly off the rails in its handling of what increasingly appears to be one of the gravest excessive-force cases in decades.

The resignations, an ultimate eloquent gesture, reportedly had multiple causes. The central one was the sidelining of the Criminal Section from the investigation of the January 7 fatal shooting of Renee Nicole Good by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent Jonathan Ross.

In any normal, professionally run Department of Justice—Democratic or Republican—a shooting that looks this serious on its face would trigger a searching civil-rights investigation by the Criminal Section, the Department’s longstanding unit for prosecuting unlawful uses of force. That has been true whether the assailant was a state officer, as in Rodney King, or—more rarely—a federal one, as at Ruby Ridge. (I served in the Department during both and worked on the King case, and I’ll be writing about some of the lessons from that case in coming Substack pieces.)

ICE has steadfastly maintained that the shooting was justified because Ross reasonably believed that Good was attempting to run him over. But multiple bystander videos and visual analyses have seriously undermined that self-serving account. I put the point in that lawyerly, hedged way because, for present purposes, it is more than enough to establish beyond any cavil that this case demands the most thorough investigation the federal government can muster.

That is the very opposite of what happened here.

First, the highest government officials circled the wagons around Ross. Donald Trump and Vice President J.D. Vance defended the agent’s actions and suggested that Good bore responsibility for her own death. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem labeled the incident “domestic terrorism,” a characterization that has been widely questioned. Trump himself made inaccurate claims that Good had “run over” the ICE officer, which video evidence contradicts.

At the same time, leadership of the Civil Rights Division, under Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon, informed the Criminal Section that it would not be investigating the case at all—a spectacular departure from past practice. Multiple career prosecutors offered to go to the scene but were told not to.

It was like a fire chief watching smoke pour from a burning building and ordering the crew not to respond, even as firefighters volunteered to go in.

The resigning officials, then, were not merely objecting to a particular judgment call. In effect, they were saying that if the Criminal Section does not have jurisdiction over a case like this, its role has been reduced to near irrelevance.

DOJ instead assigned the investigation to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Minnesota. But that office lacks the expertise, experience, and institutional stature to undertake an inquiry that goes to ICE’s core mission and legitimacy.

Nor is the broader context hard to discern. A serious civil-rights investigation—or worse, a criminal prosecution—would cut directly against the administration’s signature priority: an aggressive, high-visibility immigration enforcement campaign in which forceful tactics are treated as proof of resolve rather than excess. Calling this shooting into question would not merely implicate one agent; it would threaten the legitimacy of a brute-force enforcement regime that is Trump’s pride and joy. And it would come at a moment when the president is reportedly already furious with Attorney General Pam Bondi and senior immigration officials over perceived softness and setbacks.

There is also a more calculating dimension to the assignment. Even if toothless, a federal investigation provides a ready rationale for declining parallel inquiries and resisting cooperation.

That concern is not theoretical. Federal authorities reversed an initial plan for a joint investigation with Minnesota officials, shifting the probe to exclusive FBI control and cutting off the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension from evidence and access. State officials—including Attorney General Keith Ellison and Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty—have said publicly that this move hamstrung their ability to conduct an independent investigation.

Minnesota responded Monday with a lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security, ICE, and senior federal officials seeking to block the massive immigration enforcement surge in the Twin Cities. The complaint characterizes the deployment of more than 2,000 armed agents as an “invasion” and alleges unlawful tactics—warrantless stops and arrests in sensitive locations, racial profiling, and unconstitutional conduct that has disrupted daily life and eroded public safety. It further asserts that the campaign bears no genuine connection to its stated goals and instead reflects a retaliatory pattern of federal action aimed at Minnesota because of its political leadership and demographics.

This case is shaping up to be a scandal along the lines of the January 6 pardons and the reprisal prosecutions. Wherever its investigation is housed, it cannot be credible while it remains under the political control of an administration that has already pre-judged the case—publicly, loudly, and at the highest levels.

The feds’ normal response in a case of this gravity would be to assign the Criminal Section to conduct a vigorous, independent investigation, working in cooperation with state authorities and following the facts wherever they lead. The second defensible option would be to step aside in favor of the state, which has its own compelling interest in enforcing criminal law and protecting its citizens. Instead of either option, federal authorities are choosing to hamstring meaningful scrutiny and insulate possibly grave criminal conduct from accountability. That path is unprecedented and indefensible.

Excessive force by officers is not new. What is novel for the United States is the use of federal power afterward to stifle investigation and shield wrongdoing. That turn—from lethal force to enforced impunity—is an abuse of authority and a hallmark of authoritarian governance.

Harry Litman is a former United States Attorney and the executive producer and host of the Talking Feds podcast. He has taught law at UCLA, Berkeley, and Georgetown and served as a deputy assistant attorney general in the Clinton Administration. Please consider subscribing to Talking Feds on Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Talking Feds.

Furious Protesters Disrupt Border Patrol Chief Bovino's 'Potty Break' In St. Paul

Furious Protesters Disrupt Border Patrol Chief Bovino's 'Potty Break' In St. Paul

Top Border Patrol boss Gregory Bovino stopped at the Midway Target in St. Paul, Minnesota, on Sunday—to use the bathroom. Sadly, the angriest government stooge had to do so under duress as people in the store shouted a relentless barrage of well-earned invective until he and his Immigration and Customs Enforcement squad exited the store.

Footage shared by Ford Fischer of News2Share shows ICE agents clustered around a bathroom hallway like an invading army. Then Bovino emerges from the restroom and heads toward the store’s exit.

Activists continued in the parking lot, filming the encounter and forcing them out of the area.

Community pushed them out.

[image or embed]
— Matt Privratsky (@mattprivratsky.bsky.social) January 11, 2026 at 3:00 PM


This kind of confrontational, public dissent is exactly the form of free speech that the GOP claims to support—until it’s directed at them.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos


Abolish ICE? Surveys Show Americans Are Souring On Trump's Rogue Cops

Abolish ICE? Surveys Show Americans Are Souring On Trump's Rogue Cops

For years, calls from liberals to abolish Immigration and Customs Enforcement were political poison. Much like “defund the police,” the slogan polled terribly, weighed down by a widespread belief that ICE existed to identify and deport dangerous criminals.

Republicans leaned hard into that framing, warning that dismantling the agency would mean allowing violent offenders to roam free. Even as President Donald Trump escalated his rhetoric toward “mass deportations,” most Americans continued to assume that enforcement would focus on serious crimes, not ordinary immigrants and certainly not U.S. citizens.

That assumption is collapsing.

A growing body of evidence suggests that Americans are no longer evaluating ICE as an abstract law-enforcement agency but instead as a visible, often brutal presence in everyday life. This hit an inflection point last Wednesday, when an ICE agent fatally shot Renee Good, an unarmed 37-year-old mother. Her outrageous killing landed amid a deluge of viral videos and firsthand accounts of other ICE abuses, reshaping public opinion quickly and profoundly.

Those numbers reflect more than vague discontent. Majorities believe ICE routinely harms innocent people. Sixty percent say ICE at least sometimes arrests American citizens who have committed no crimes, and 51 percent believe the agency deports innocent citizens at least sometimes. While some respondents may not be parsing the legal distinction between citizens and noncitizens, the broader conclusion is unmistakable: Americans believe ICE is sweeping up people who do not deserve to be targeted at all.

Concerns about the agency’s conduct extend even further. Forty-two percent of Americans say ICE uses unnecessary force “often,” and another 18 percent say it does so “sometimes.” Nearly seven in 10 believe agents should be required to wear uniforms while making arrests, and a majority (55 percent) oppose officers hiding their identities behind masks. And when it comes to people killed by ICE agents or who died in the agency’s custody, 56% agree that those deaths “show that there is a fundamental problem with ICE that needs to be fixed.

ICE is now the least popular of nine federal agencies tested and the only one with net-negative favorability, according to a new YouGov survey that entered the field two days after Good’s killing. Just 40 percent of Americans have a favorable view of the agency, while 51 percent view it unfavorably. Intensity matters here: Only a quarter feels very favorable toward ICE, while 40 percent feel very unfavorably about it.

Overall, support for protests against the agency outweighs opposition, 49 percent to 41 percent.

Perhaps most striking is how far public opinion has moved toward accountability. By a lopsided margin, Americans say ICE needs stricter recruitment standards. Almost 60 percent support criminal prosecution for ICE agents who kill someone, and there is even modest support for shrinking the agency’s overall size. These are not fringe positions. They are mainstream judgments about an institution many Americans once barely thought about at all.

The one line that still has not been crossed, though, is abolition itself. YouGov finds the public’s opposition (45%) to eliminating ICE narrowly exceeds support (42%).

But even that resistance is eroding rapidly. Shortly before the 2024 presidential election, when Trump’s dehumanizing attacks on immigrants dominated the news, support for ICE peaked, with just 19 percent of registered voters favoring abolition and 66 percent opposed, according to data from Civiqs. As of this past Thursday—the newest data—42 percent support abolishing the agency and 50 percent oppose it, representing a seismic shift in public opinion.


Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos


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