Tag: trump economy
Will Supreme Court Nix Trump Tariffs, Boost Economy -- And Aid GOP In 2026?

Will Supreme Court Nix Trump Tariffs, Boost Economy -- And Aid GOP In 2026?

From most accounts of the justices’ reactions, it seems they were unimpressed with the argument from Donald Trump’s lawyers about his power to impose tariffs at will. They had trouble convincing the Supreme Court that the beginning of Section 8 of the Constitution, which lays out the powers of Congress -- “The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises" -- does not actually mean that Congress has the power to impose taxes, including tariffs.

The conservative justices, all of whom have made a cult out of their supposed adherence to the original text of the Constitution, might find they would have to bend themselves into even more knots than usual to turn the plain wording of the Constitution on its head and rule in Trump’s favor.

It’s not just integrity that would push them to rule against Trump; it’s also clearly in the interest of the business community to have a tariff regime that doesn’t shift based on the president’s feelings. Businesses making long-term investments need to know whether their inputs will be available at relatively low tariff rates or whether Trump will suddenly whack them with a 50 percent tariff, as he has done repeatedly.

This certainly is also needed in the other direction. If a steel company is making investments in the U.S. based on a 50 percent tariff on imported steel, they need some guarantee that a foreign producer won’t make a bribe to Trump and get their steel admitted tariff free.

The existing tariff regime provided this certainty. Trump’s tariff of the day policy does not.

While Trump is warning of the end of the world if his tariff power is reined in, such warnings are about as serious as his healthcare plan. We obviously would take in less revenue with lower tariffs, but so what?

The Republican Congress happily passed Trump's big tax cuts without any expectation of large amounts of tariff revenue. The loss of this revenue will just put us back to where we were in March in terms of the budget.

Trump has his imaginary $18 trillion in foreign investment which he attributes to the tariffs. He can just attribute this imaginary investment to something else, and all will be fine.

And Trump has his eight wars that he imagines he settled by his tariff threats. Again, he can use some other mechanism to get imaginary peace settlements to imaginary wars.

The real story of the Trump tariffs is very simple. They are a tax on the American people, and in fact a very large one.

The government collected just under $30 billion in import taxes in September of this year, the most recent data available. That compares to around $7 billion last year. The increase of $23 billion would imply a tax of almost $270 billion on an annual basis, or 0.9 percent of GDP. This is one of the largest tax increases in the country’s history.

If the court rules against Trump, then this tax increase likely would be reversed. In fact, the Court could even require that the money collected be returned to the companies that paid it, in effect giving a rebate of $200 billion to U.S. importers. This would be putting a large amount of money into these companies’ pockets, some of which would be spent and boost the economy.

We also don’t know the timing of any court decisions. If they wait until June of next year, when they issue most of their major decisions, then the justices may be giving the country a huge tax break just in time to rev the economy up for the election.

It’s very difficult to say what the economy will look like by next summer. Trump’s tariffs, his budget cuts and layoffs, and mass deportations have been a real hit to the labor market. Job growth has slowed to a crawl, real wage growth is near zero, and the unemployment rate had edged higher as of August. (Trump has the September jobs report but has decided not to release it.) That looks like a path of gradual slowing and rising unemployment for the foreseeable future.

However, we have a big unknown in the form of the AI bubble. Having followed closely both the tech bubble in the 90s and the housing bubble in the 00s, I know that a bubble’s end is hard to predict. Both bubbles went on far longer and grew much larger than I would have anticipated. If the bubble continues to grow, next summer we are still likely to be on the path of modest GDP growth and labor market weakening we see today. If it bursts, then a recession is virtually assured.

In that case, the big tax break the Supreme Court would give us by ending the Trump tariffs would be a major boost to the economy. It would not be large enough to reverse the effect of a collapsing bubble, but it would be an important support to the economy when it badly needs it. Congress would have to do more, but hey, the Supreme Court can only do so much when all the responsible people setting policy have left town.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

One Big Problem With Trumponomics: The President Can't Do Arithmetic

One Big Problem With Trumponomics: The President Can't Do Arithmetic

It is striking that many people feel the need to claim that Donald Trump has some coherent economic plan for the country. It’s understandable that Trump’s team likes to pretend that his random ramblings and angry acts of revenge are all part of some grand strategy, but why would anyone not on his payroll play along with this obvious absurdity?

To anyone paying attention, it should be pretty clear that Donald Trump is clueless about the economy. Just to take an obvious example to make the point: Trump has repeatedly promised to lower drug prices by 800, 900, or even 1,500 percent. As he rightly says, no one thought it was possible.

It wouldn’t be a big deal that he got confused once or twice and forgot that you can’t lower prices by more than 100 percent, unless you envision drug companies paying people to use their drugs. But Trump has done this repeatedly, over many months.

This tells us two things. First, he really doesn’t have even a basic understanding of arithmetic and percentages. That would be bad in and of itself. After all the president is sometimes directly negotiating deals and it would be bad if he agreed to something and then had to call back his negotiating partner and tell them he didn’t understand what he had agreed to.

But the other issue is even more serious. Surely people like Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Kevin Hassett, Trump’s National Economic Advisor, understand percentages. But apparently, they are too scared of Trump to explain how they work. Instead, they let him go out week after week and make a fool of himself by making nonsensical promises on lowering drug prices.

This fact is crucial if we are trying to assess whether Trump has a coherent economic strategy. The point is he is obviously confused about many things when it comes to the economy. He seems to think that other countries pay tariffs and send the U.S. checks. He also seems to think that wind and solar power are very expensive sources of energy. And he seems to think that the economy was collapsing when he took office.

All of these claims are 180 degrees at odds with reality, but it is extremely unlikely that his aides would be able to correct him on these or other absurd views that Trump seems to hold. Given how out of touch Trump is with reality and the inability of his aides to correct him on anything, why would anyone think that he has a coherent economic strategy?

As many of us have pointed out, even most hard-core free traders will concede tariffs can serve a useful purpose. They can be used strategically to build up important industries. This is what Biden tried to do when he used tariffs, along with subsidies and regulatory changes, to promote domestic production of advanced computer chips, electric vehicles, batteries, and wind and solar and other forms of clean energy.

But what is the coherence in a tariff policy when some of the highest tariffs, like Trump’s 50 percent tariff on imported steel, are reserved for intermediate goods that are inputs for other manufacturing industries? How does it make sense to impose an extra 10 percentage point tariff on imports from Canada because Trump didn’t like a television ad they ran during the World Series? And India got whacked with a tariff of 50 percent on its exports because its president would not support Trump’s drive to get a Nobel Peace Prize.

Anyone trying to weave together these and other tariff decisions by Trump, along with many other economic decisions he has made since taking office, is really stretching if they think they can find anything coherent. It is bad for the country and the world that policy in the United States is being determined by a man child who has no idea what he is doing beyond stuffing his pockets, but that is the reality.

There may be a market for thoughtful pieces describing the grand Trump strategy in major intellectual outlets, but that is yet one more example of market failure. There ain’t nothing there.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

The Issue That Won Trump Another Term Is Now His Worst Nightmare

The Issue That Won Trump Another Term Is Now His Worst Nightmare

President Donald Trump won in 2024 because of the economy. He promised voters he’d lower prices on Day 1, and people foolishly believed him. But what does he care? A candidate has one job—to get elected—and he managed to do it.

That same focus on cost-of-living issues also powered Zohran Mamdani’s rise from relative obscurity to becoming New York’s Democratic nominee for mayor. He put affordability at the center of his campaign and surged past better-known rivals. It’s a model Democrats will lean on through next year’s midterms and into the 2028 cycle—not only because it works, but because it’s right. If the government doesn’t exist to make people’s lives better, then what’s the point?

That’s why the latest Economist/YouGov poll should set off alarms for Republican strategists everywhere. Nearly one-half of respondents listed top concerns that reflect the basic costs and conditions of everyday life: inflation (24 percent), jobs (12 percent), and health care (11 percent). Those just happen to be the issues where Republicans are weakest.

Trump broke through with some lower-income voters in 2024, seizing on their anger over rising prices. But that anger hasn’t gone away: It has turned back on him. His supporters still feel the pinch, and no slogan or scapegoat will fix that. Inflation is the one issue he can’t talk his way out of, and it’s only getting worse.

Beyond so-called illegal immigration, which remains a reliably conservative rallying cry, the Republican base is restless over economic anxiety. And that’s fertile ground for Democrats. And they don’t have to win over all those restless voters—just a fraction would reshape the map.

Trump’s approval rating remains deeply underwater (38 percent approve, 54 perce disapprove), with many conservatives souring on his performance. Moderates, meanwhile, have largely abandoned him. Among those who voted for Trump in 2024, a meaningful share—15 percent—now disapprove of the job he’s doing. Between disaffected Trump voters and those who stayed home last time, there’s an opening big enough to matter.

Perhaps the most revealing number in the poll shows how people see the economy itself. Only a small minority (19 percent) think things are improving, and even among Trump voters, less than half say the economy is getting better. Normally, partisans rally around their own president, claiming optimism out of loyalty.

Not this time. A significant slice of Trump’s base thinks the economy is heading in the wrong direction. That’s new—and dangerous—for him.It’s no coincidence that roughly one in five Trump voters think the economy is getting worse, disapprove of his presidency, and list inflation as their top concern. That cluster of discontent could be enough to swing close races or, just as crucially, depress Republican turnout altogether.

Add to that a broad majority of independents who think things are worsening, and Democrats have a real opportunity to expand their coalition.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Trump's Weak Economy Grew 1.5 Percent In First Half Of 2025

Trump's Weak Economy Grew 1.5 Percent In First Half Of 2025

Some folks have gotten a bit carried away with the revisions that put the second quarter growth rate at 3.8 percent. That does look impressive in isolation, but it is important to remember the economy shrank at a 0.6 percent rate in the first quarter.

That puts the average at 1.6 percent for the first half of the year. That’s not terrible but it is hardly cause for celebration. Remember, the economy grew 2.4 percent last year and the vast majority of forecasters expected growth at this rate to continue.

And we really do need to look at the two quarters together. Just as unusual factors were responsible for the fall in GDP we saw in the first quarter, they are also responsible for the strong growth reported for the second quarter.

To take the most notable example, the lower trade deficit added 4.83 percentage points (PP) to growth in the second quarter. A pre-tariff surge in the trade deficit subtracted 4.63 PP from growth in the first quarter. Only a devoted Trumper would focus on the second quarter number without mentioning the first quarter jump in the trade deficit.

Moving beyond the irregular numbers, we get that non-residential fixed investment added 0.98 PP to growth in the second quarter after adding 1.24 PP in the first quarter. The first quarter growth was partly due to pre-tariff stockpiling but the second quarter growth on top of this indicates we are looking at something sort of real. This is the AI boom. If that turns into a bust, we will see this growth quickly reversed.

Consumption accounts for the bulk of GDP and here the story is pretty blah. The second quarter’s growth rate was a healthy 2.5 percent, accounting for 1.68 PP of the quarter’s growth. But this followed a growth rate of just 0.6 percent in the first quarter, leaving an average of rate of 1.6 percent for the first half. That’s not horrible, but certainly not great.

We also have seen evidence that the growth in consumption has been concentrated among higher income people who are spending their stock gains. That is consistent with my simple measure of looking at real spending at fast food restaurants. I consider this useful since it’s unlikely that rich people increase their consumption of fast food because their stock portfolio is worth more.

And spending on fast food has to rank as largely a discretionary purchase. It is one thing that is relatively easy to cut back on if a family has to tighten its belts. Real spending at fast food restaurants was just 0.3 percent higher in the second quarter than the average for 2024. That doesn’t look like most people are feeling good about the economy.

Today, we will get new data on consumption for August, along with revisions for prior months’ data. Maybe that will show a different story, but for now, it looks like we have a weak economy that is being sustained by the AI boom. That boom could go on for a while and keep the economy moving forward, but it may not.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

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