Tag: trump economy
Will Bond Market Yields Force Trump To End His Blundering Iran War?

Will Bond Market Yields Force Trump To End His Blundering Iran War?

I’ll be very brief, both because we have very incomplete info on this and because I don’t like to veer too far from my political-economy lane. But one theme of this Substack is to track a point I made at its inception: incompetent leadership has stark consequences.

If what we’re hearing about the negotiations to end the war is correct, then everyone from policymakers to pundits to voters—especially voters—must ask the questions “What was that for? What did thousands of people die for? Why did the global economy have to undergo a massive disruption, elevating prices and interest rates? Why did the US have to further lower its international stature by not only getting dragged into this war, but by not winning it in any recognizable way?”

The answer cannot be regime change or, at least based on what we know, any thwarting of Iran’s nuclear aspirations. From the New York Times on Sunday:

Publicly, both the American and Iranian officials emphasized the concessions they hoped to secure. Mr. Trump said the deal would reopen the Strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway for oil and gas supplies, which Iran has effectively blockaded during the conflict, spurring a surge in global energy prices.
The Iranian officials said the deal Tehran had agreed to would reopen the Strait of Hormuz without any tolls; lift the U.S. naval blockade on Iran; stop the fighting on all fronts, including between Israel and Hezbollah, the Iran-backed armed group, in Lebanon; and release $25 billion in Iranian assets frozen overseas.

Also, this: “The future of Iran’s nuclear program, part of Mr. Trump’s case for launching the war, was unclear.” Summarizing conflicting reports, it appears that they’re going to table the issue for 60-90 days.

If this information is correct, then one narrow point that’s interesting to me is an answer to “why now?” might very well be the bond market. Back in April of last year, when bond yields spiked in response to Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, he quickly backed off. I suspect the recent spike in bond yields is in the mix here as well.

But the real developing story here is that we may be looking at a deal that basically trades reopening the Strait—returning it to pre-war conditions—for economic sanctions relief and the end of our naval blockade.

If that’s even roughly correct, then this whole debacle must not be allowed to fade into the rearview mirror. It must be held up as the deeply costly blunder that it was, one whose accountability extends well past Trump, on to his Congressional enablers.

Stay tuned for further analysis. I’ll also be watching out for evidence of insider trading, which seems to accompany such developments these days. The depth of the incompetence is only matched by the depth of the corruption.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack, from which this is reprinted with permission.

No Contest: Under Trump, China's Growth Hugely Outpaced The United States

No Contest: Under Trump, China's Growth Hugely Outpaced The United States

I will be the first to admit that comparing GDP growth across countries is generally a silly exercise. We care about how people are living: can they afford the necessities of life, do they have time to be with family and friends, are they healthy? These are the issues that matter, and they are only loosely related to GDP.

But hey, that’s the game for the big boys and girls in Washington, so let’s play ball! Here’s what real GDP growth looks like in the United States and China since Donald Trump came into the White House.


To briefly explain what these numbers are, this is GDP measured in purchasing power parity terms by the I.M.F. This compares GDP in different countries using the same set of prices for all goods and services. This means that cars, television sets, heart surgery, and haircuts are all priced the same across countries. Naturally, this process is not perfect (the items are not identical), but it does give us a ballpark number.

I then adjusted the numbers for inflation. (The International Monetary Fund gives the data in nominal terms.) I couldn’t find a proper deflator for international dollars, so I just assumed a 3.0 percentinflation rate. The true number is likely somewhat higher, but this should be close enough.

I then took three-quarters of the growth reported for the period from 2024 to the projected number for 2026. This is because Trump only came into office in January of 2025. That might overstate the growth under Trump slightly, since the economy was growing more rapidly in the second half of 2024 than it has been in the quarters since then.

It also gives both countries credit for the full second quarter, even though we are only halfway through the quarter. Also, these are projections, not actual growth data, but they likely should be close.

The basic story of China’s economy growing by $2.8 trillion, with the U.S. economy growing by a bit less than $1 trillion, should not be surprising. China’s economy is roughly one-third larger than the U.S. economy, and it’s growing 4-5 percent a year, compared with roughly 2.0 percent annually for the U.S. This means both that China is #1 and its margin over the U.S. is increasing.

There’s nothing wrong with being the world’s second-largest economy. Our political leaders should be focused on ensuring that people in the United States have good living standards. But if they are looking for something to boast about, they should find something other than being the world’s largest economy.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Expert Warns That AI Bust Is Now Inevitable -- And Will Sink Trump's Economy

Expert Warns That AI Bust Is Now Inevitable -- And Will Sink Trump's Economy

The Wall Street Journal and other industry observers keep saying artificial intelligence investment is the one thing “saving” President Donald Trump’s stock market time and again, as Trump’s economy plateaus or tanks other stocks. However, Asad Ramzanali, director of AI and technology policy at the Vanderbilt Policy Accelerator, says AI overinvestment and risky financial engineering have made an AI crash more likely.

“I started [my research] not assuming we’re in a bubble, but that if we are, we should be prepared. As I got deeper into this, I became convinced that we are in a period of overinvestment where the money going out the door in the industry, which is primarily for data centers and chips, doesn’t match the money coming in,” Ramzanali told Washington Monthly podcast senior editor Anne Kim.

Ramzanali said research shows “$2 trillion is what the annual revenue from AI will have to look like to recoup” all this investment — and that’s not what can happen in the real world. So, prep for the inevitable bust.

Companies that build data centers -- Amazon, Microsoft, Google, Meta, and Oracle -- are making estimates in the 2026 capital expenditures that promise “higher percentage of GDP than the Manhattan Project, the expansion of electricity, the Apollo space program, the building of the interstate highway system, the broadband build out in the ‘90s, everything but the Louisiana Purchase. This nets out to about $700 billion of investment this year,” said Ramazanali.

In other words, curb your enthusiasm. But tech companies now make up one third of the stock market, and banks are invested in those tech companies in big ways like private credit, structured finance and endless pools of capital all funneling into similar investments.“[W]hen you’re talking about something that is this large, this high of a magnitude of our whole economy, that’s where I start to get worried about the spillover effects into the rest of the economy,” said Ramzanali.

What this means for the Trump stock market — which is practically all Trump has left to brag about — is nothing good for Trump.

The New York Times reports Trumps largely steady stock market keeps assuming it “will always be saved” by the government and that markets are “not properly pricing risk, because they really don’t have to.”

“ … [But] the new rescuer investors are counting on — artificial intelligence — is vulnerable to the exact risks markets are ignoring,” reports the Times. “This has huge consequences. … This reliance on A.I. looks like an extraordinary concentration of bets” that the Times reports is “likely straining their cash cushions.”

Nobody will want to be president when the only stable stock buttressing Trump’s economy in a time of widely-fluctuating gas and grocery prices suddenly goes wobbly. And Trump has three more years for the wobble to hit him.

Inflation Irritation: Are Voters Still Enraged Because Trump Lied About Prices?

Inflation Irritation: Are Voters Still Enraged Because Trump Lied About Prices?

According to Donald Trump, the U.S. economy is doing great. We’re enjoying a huge boom, there’s no inflation, and we’re all getting tax cuts. We have prosperity like nobody has ever seen before.

But it’s probably not news to you that reality doesn’t agree. Inflation was stubbornly elevated even before the Iran debacle, while growth has been sluggish. Jobs for entry-level workers are hard to find while mortgage and car loan rates are up. Gas-pump prices are above $4 on average and around 10 million Americans are projected to lose health insurance by 2028. Yet the one economic variable that stands out, that really is like nothing anyone has ever seen before,is consumer confidence: The long-running University of Michigan index of consumer sentiment just hit its lowest point ever recorded.

And that’s a puzzle. Obviously, I’m no defender either of Trump’s policies or of his lies. But while the U.S. economy isn’t nearly as good as he claims, it’s objectively not bad enough to justify the worst consumer sentiment in history — worse than during the stagflation at the end of the 1970s, worse than in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis.

Warning: Today’s post is wonkier than usual, at least in tone. It basically ends with a question mark. My main goal today is to share a puzzle with readers and explain why I’m not satisfied with the answers smart people — especially two of my favorite data analysis gurus, Jared Bernstein and G. Elliott Morris — are offering. They argue that it’s all about the level of prices. While that is certainly an important factor, I believe that there is more to the story. I believe that the current extremely negative sentiment is a result of Americans’ correct sense that they have been lied to. To discuss this fully will take a couple of posts. So today I will introduce the puzzle and enlarge on the range of explanations in the next post.

Start with the puzzle: Why are Americans so down on an economy that, while not the greatest, isn’t terrible by the usual measures? This isn’t a new question: Kyla Scanlon coined the term “vibecession” in 2022 for a situation in which people feel bad about an economy that doesn’t look that bad by the numbers. But the puzzle has intensified over time, both because the bad feelings have gotten worse and because the vibecession has been so persistent.

Historically, consumer sentiment tracked objective measures of the state of the economy. In fact, you could predict sentiment fairly well using just one variable: the so-called “misery index,” the sum of inflation and the unemployment rate. Here, using annual averages (and the first three months of 2026) is what the relationship between the misery index and consumer sentiment has looked like since 1990:



You can get an even better fit to pre-Covid consumer sentiment by adding other economic variables, such as the performance of the stock market. But any way you cut it, since 2022 Americans have felt much worse about the economy than conventional economic measures say they “should.” Moreover, that pessimism has gotten worse over time: consumer sentiment is much worse now than it was in 2023 and 2024.

Many observers have attempted to explain these unusually bad feelings by claiming that the economy is worse than it looks, especially for working-class families. Going through those arguments would take me too far afield right now. But let me just say that some of those arguments, like claiming that ordinary workers didn’t share in the post-Covid recovery, are just wrong. Others, like pointing to much higher interest rates on mortgages and other loans, have validity. But they aren’t sufficient to explain why consumer sentiment is now worse than it was under stagflation and mass unemployment.

So what does explain the current dismal consumer sentiment? Both Bernstein and Morris argue that it’s about the price level as opposed to the rate of inflation.

The chart below illustrates what they mean. It shows the log of the Consumer Price Index since 2014. I use the log because this means that a given vertical distance always corresponds to the same percentage change, and the slope of the line shows the rate of inflation:

The U.S. experienced a bout of high inflation in 2021-22, largely because of disruptions to supply chains in the aftermath of Covid, plus fallout from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This inflation spurt ended as supply chains became unsnarled and oil prices stabilized, and inflation since 2023 has been only modestly higher than it was pre-Covid. However, prices have never come back down and have remained persistently higher than the pre-2020 trend would have predicted.

And the story is that consumers aren’t fully mollified by the fact that inflation — the rate at which prices are rising — has slowed. They’re angry and upset that the level of prices remains much higher than they expected.

Both Bernstein and Morris find that if one adds a price-level variable to an equation predicting consumer sentiment, it tracks the data well. Morris concludes,

When it comes to how Americans feel about the economy today, whether you are measuring using objective structural price data or the polls, it’s the prices, stupid.

Why am I not fully convinced by this explanation? I have three questions:

First, does correlation imply causation? Consumer sentiment fell off a cliff after 2020. Also, prices surged after 2020. But lots of things changed with Covid. How sure are we that the second observation explains the first? Morris points to other survey data that support the prices to confidence link, but we’re still talking about basically one observation, which is always problematic.

Or to use a bit of jargon, is including the jump in prices in your equation just introducing a dummy variable? That is, is it simply a marker that something changed, but not a clear indication of what?

Second, shouldn’t this story have a sell-by date? The big price surge began five years ago. That’s a long time. Do you remember what groceries cost in April 2021? I don’t, not really. At some point one would expect people to recalibrate their expectations of what things “should” cost. Yet the vibecession is if anything deepening with the passage of time.

Third, what about Morning in America? Joe Biden presided over rapidly falling inflation for the second half of his term, yet received no credit because, we’re told, people were upset that prices hadn’t actually come down. But you know who else presided over falling inflation but a still-rising price level? Ronald Reagan. Here’s what happened to the overall level of consumer prices during Reagan’s first term and the Biden presidency:



The two presidents’ track records on prices were almost identical. Yet Reagan ran a triumphant reelection campaign on the theme that it was Morning in America, while the Biden economy was vilified. What was that about?

Jared is too good an economist to be unaware of this puzzle. He has shared with me a draft of a forthcoming paper with Daniel Posthumus, in which they do indeed find that the level of prices historically didn’t matter the way it seems to now. They suggest that the long era of relatively low inflation since the mid-1980s may have made people more sensitive to price shocks:

Our findings suggest that a huge storm after a long calm can be more upsetting to people who are not used to bad weather.

Indeed. But why has consumer sentiment gotten so much worse over the past year, even as the low prices people remember recede further into the past?

My speculative answer is that it has a lot to do with the lies of 2024. Remember, millions voted for Trump because he promised to reduce grocery prices “on Day One” and promised to cut energy bills in half. Now they know that they were had.

Paul Krugman is a Nobel Prize-winning economist and former professor at MIT and Princeton who now teaches at the City University of New York's Graduate Center. From 2000 to 2024, he wrote a column for The New York Times. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Paul Krugman.

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