Tag: trump economy
January Jobs Rise Amid Negative Annual Revisions And Manufacturing Losses

January Jobs Rise Amid Negative Annual Revisions And Manufacturing Losses

Payrolls popped by a strong 130,000 last month, a welcome boost that came in at about twice what was expected and a stark contrast to new, historical revisions in today’s report that significantly reduced last year’s gains. The jobless rate ticked down to 4.3 percent, as more workers entered a workforce that was more welcoming in January than it was last year.

Speaking of last year, there’s a different side to this report showing that the American job machine stalled in 2025. I’ll go deep into the new revisions out today that tell this story, but topline: unrevised job gains for last year were an already historically low 584,000, the weakest year since 2009 (excluding the 2020 pandemic year), but the revised data show just 181,000 jobs created last year, about 15k/month. For manufacturing, the ‘25 count fell even further into the red, from -68,000 to -108,000.

For 2024, the revised gains fell to 1.5 million from 2 million.

So, what in Keynes' name should we make of this good news, bad news story?

Well, it’s a good month to remember that one-month’s data, especially if it’s against the trend, shouldn’t change your broader take. But neither should it be wholly discounted. In fact, the payroll survey has been quite hard to parse lately, and the fact that the unemployment rate (which is from the other survey) has ticked down two months in a row, from 4.54 percent in Nov to 4.28 percent in December suggests the job market is still ticking.

Let’s start with the good news. The January jobs report had a lot of solid data points, though federal gov’t employment is relentlessly tanking.

--As noted, the jobless rate ticked down to 4.28 percent,

--The labor force participation rate for prime-age workers (25-54), a good proxy for labor demand, went up three-tenths to 84.1 percent and the prime-age rate for women rose to an all time high of 78.4 percent, from a data series that starts in the late 1940s!

--A number of indicators suggest stronger labor demand in January: Involuntary part-timers fell by 450,000 (noisy, monthly data, but still…); Black unemployment was 8.2 percent in Novembrer; it’s 7.2 percent in January (though that’s still a point above January 2024).

--Weekly hours worked ticked up, and nominal hourly wage growth held steady at 3.7 percent year-over-year. That’s a solid point above inflation.

--Manufacturing, which, as you see above, took a real hit in the revisions, going from bad to worse, added 5,000 jobs in January, its first monthly gain since November 2024. Good news for the month, but the trend here is firmly negative, and anyone who says “this shows the tariffs are working!” is full of it.

--55 percent of private industries added jobs last month, still below the pre-pandemic share of around 60 percent but up from recent lows.

--Health care continues to outperform; construction and social assistance also contributed to the January job gains.

--Federal governmentt jobs continue to hemorrhage, down 34,000 last month. As the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported: “Since reaching a peak in October 2024, federal government employment is down by 327,000, or 10.9 percent.”

The Revisions

Today’s jobs report contains numerous revisions, one of which—the annual benchmark revision—is particularly consequential in terms of understanding the trajectory of recent payroll employment.

Every year, the level of employment in the payroll survey gets adjusted up or down based on more complete data from the (very-close-to-a) census of jobs the BLS collects for the UI system. This year, the revision was an historically large -898,000, meaning that’s how much lower the level of employment was in March of last year. To avoid a big negative spike in the series, they wedge the -898K in by subtracting 1/12 of that number from the unrevised payroll levels starting in April of 2024.

Even with the January upside surprise, this obviously isn’t good. I’ll explain why in a moment, but there’s a contextual point that must be kept top-of-mind when using these payroll numbers to assess the health of the labor market. Because the growth of the labor force has slowed considerably—deportations, aging workforce—there are fewer job seekers. It thus takes fewer jobs to keep the unemployment rate from rising.

Whenever you go from payrolls to unemployment, you’re crossing surveys. They’re cousins, not siblings. But the fact that the jobless rate hasn’t gone up more, given how flat payrolls were last year, tells us that we need fewer jobs than we did a few years ago to keep the job market on track. Yes, labor demand is down (see payrolls), but so is labor supply (see unemployment rate).

Still, any economic market without churn, whether its jobs or housing, is stagnant. Sure, it’s bad feng shui, but it has concrete, negative impacts, even if layoffs remain as low as they’ve been. It takes longer for new entrants to find work, and a career trajectory delayed is a tougher career trajectory. It contributes to our lower quit rates, which are associated with diminished occupational mobility. It creates less wage pressures, especially for middle/lower paid workers.

Consider, for example, the figure below from GS Research. It shows that if you take the five states with the biggest decline in turnover (hires, fires, quits), you find a steep increase in jobless durations, especially for younger workers. Other data shows this effect to be particular tough for young college grads. (AI? It may be in the mix—I’d be surprised if it wasn’t—but still hard to tell.)

Other revisions including adjusting seasonal factors, which evolve over time and tend not to be a big deal for how we understand history, and the birth-death model, which is a bit more consequential to the jobs count. The Establishment Survey gets its payroll info from over 600,000 individual worksites, picking up 1/4 of actual employment. The BLS then uses sampling methods to weight up the sample to represent the population.

The problem is that there’s “an unavoidable lag between an establishment opening for business and its appearance on the sample frame making it available for sampling. Because new firm births generate a portion of employment growth each month, non-sampling methods must be used to estimate this growth.” So, they must model firm births and deaths, and data from their revised model are plugged into the payroll data starting in April of last year. In the past two months, the revised birth-death model reduced (not seasonally adjusted) payroll gains by about 160,000.

So, bottom line: a strong January jobs report shows that the US labor market is clearly showing signs of life. Demand, even if it’s K-shaped, is still pretty strong, and, at least in January, that helped to boost jobs and lower unemployment. But one month does not a new trend make, and especially given the historically large and negative revisions, we should definitely still consider ourselves stuck in a low-hire, low-fire labor market, with all the dynamic downsides therein.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Econjared.

Feeling Insecure At Work? That Fear Is Real -- And You Can Blame Trump

Feeling Insecure At Work? That Fear Is Real -- And You Can Blame Trump

Groundhog Day's furry forecaster Punxsutawney Phil predicted six more weeks of wintry weather. What if we asked Phil to apply his insights to the frigid job market? He might answer the way an alarmed groundhog does, with chattering teeth, and then squeak, "Wheet! Wheet! Cold days are coming for American jobseekers, and they'll last a lot longer than six weeks."

Economists are using the term "deep freeze" to describe the current job outlook. These are strange times. The official unemployment rate of 4.45 percent is not a distressing number, but the reasons behind it are worrisome. Many workers are sticking with their jobs, fearful they can't find a new one.

Aside from some big-headline layoffs, most employers figure business is good enough to hang on to the staff they've got, but not strong enough to take new people on. The main reason: They have no idea what exactly is going on in the American economy.

Is it fair to pin this unsettling situation on Donald Trump? Sure, it's fair, though he doesn't deserve all the blame. What he does, reliably, is make a lot of problems worse.

Start with the tariffs. His trade war — slapping higher duties on essentially the rest of the world — was sold as a job-creation engine. It hasn't worked out that way. Since "Liberation Day," April 2, 2025, U.S. factory employment has fallen month after month. And last year, the number of job openings dropped by nearly a million.

What tariffs have done is push up prices that Americans pay for food and other everyday goods. In other words, they add to inflation. Prices haven't spiked as dramatically as some warned, but they've risen enough to leave consumers uneasy and on edge.

American companies that obtain parts and materials from abroad are now paying more for them. Some have swallowed at least some of those added costs, but much of the tariff tax gets passed onto buyers. Many companies say they will now have to pass more of those costs to consumers.

Such disruptions have hit Main Street businesses especially hard. They are less able than big corporations to deal with the confusion over tariffs. Who is meant to foot the bill? Vendors? Purchasers? Shoppers? Small companies employ almost half the American workforce.

Then there's the immigration crisis. Roundups of undocumented aliens were supposed to free up jobs for Americans. But Trump's spectacle of ICE agents sweeping up the foreign-born has created a mess for local businesses. Both legal and illegal immigrants are afraid to go to work and shop at stores. Immigrants, after all, are also customers.

Artificial intelligence isn't Trump's doing, but it's here. Analysts expect American companies to pour more money into robotics and artificial intelligence — technologies that replace human labor. A bachelor's degree will no longer shield many college grads from unemployment, as AI moves in on work many well-paid professionals considered safe.

Anthropic's "AI Assistant," Claude, can now read, write and analyze text. It can take on some accounting tasks, such as reviewing documents and drafting reports.

As demand for humans with such skills shrinks, employers looking to add staff have become super picky. That's making life especially tough for young people trying to land entry-level jobs. The office outlook is scary: a small cadre of senior executives, the "C-suite," presiding over rooms of smart machines that can match, or even outthink, Homo sapiens.

Businesses don't know which way is up, down or sideways, and Trump's daily dose of chaos isn't helping. The mystery of what will come next leaves many companies hesitant to hire.

Winter is settling in the job market. If you're feeling insecure, you may be on to something.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Warsh Case Scenario: A Bad Heir Day For The Federal Reserve System

Warsh Case Scenario: A Bad Heir Day For The Federal Reserve System


So Kevin Warsh will be the next Fed chair. The silver lining to his appointment is that he shouldn’t be able to do much damage, although with one big caveat (see below). The Fed is a republic, not a dictatorship; key decisions are made by a committee in which the chairperson has only one vote. Fed chairs can only drive policy through persuasion — and Warsh lacks the intellectual and moral credibility to be effective on that score. But God help us if we enter a crisis that requires decisive Fed leadership, the kind Fed chair Ben Bernanke showed during the financial crisis, or Jay Powell is now showing against Trump’s attacks.

Absent a crisis, my prediction is that the majority of Warsh’s colleagues will largely ignore him, albeit without expressing their contempt openly. Even a coalition among the Trump appointees to the Board of Governors – Warsh, Bowman and Miran – won’t be enough to overturn the responsible monetary policy stewardship of the other governors.

But that’s a low bar, and it may be lower than is generally appreciated. For while I don’t think Warsh will do too much damage to monetary policy, he, along with his fellow Trumper Michelle Bowman, the vice chair for financial supervision, may well eviscerate the Fed’s role as a financial regulator.

As I write this, many media reports are describing Warsh as a monetary hawk. That’s a category error. Warsh is a political animal. He calls for tight money and opposes any attempt to boost the economy when Democrats hold the White House. Like all Trumpers, he has been all for lower interest rates since November 2024.

Depressingly, some Democratic-leaning economists are stepping up to reassure us about Warsh’s qualifications. This is reminiscent of the way many economists rallied around the selection of Kevin Hassett as chair of the Council of Economic Advisers in 2017, although he was an obviously ludicrous hack. Since then Hassett has outperformed my expectations, revealing himself to be such an outrageous sycophant that even Trump realized that it would be a PR and financial disaster to nominate him as Fed chair.

Independent economists who don’t feel the need to maintain good relations with the corridors of power are being quite forthright on the Warsh nomination. Here are a couple of reactions from my feed:

A screenshot of a social media post AI-generated content may be incorrect.A screenshot of a social media post AI-generated content may be incorrect.

What lies behind this contempt? Warsh’s most notable role in policy debate came in the years immediately following the global financial crisis, when he was a member of the Federal Reserve Board who argued strenuously against the Fed’s efforts to boost the economy. As I noted at the time, his arguments were confused and incoherent, but he implied (without saying so in clear language) that the Fed’s actions would be inflationary despite the depressed state of the economy.

He was completely wrong about that. Now, everyone makes bad predictions. But when you do, you’re supposed to admit your mistakes and learn from them. Warsh never did that. Instead, he kept inventing new reasons to call for higher interest rates — notably a bizarre claim that low rates were hurting business investment — as long as a Democrat was president.

So how does someone with that record end up in what is normally the most important economic post in the world (although I suspect that Warsh will be one of the least influential Fed chairs in history)? I would list five reasons, in no particular order.

First, Warsh married into great wealth. Specifically, he married the daughter of Ronald Lauder, the cosmetics billionaire — who, bizarrely, is a key figure behind Donald Trump’s obsession with Greenland.

Second, he has always been very good at ingratiating himself with influential people.

Third, he’s an effective bullshitter. Sorry for the technical language, but I can’t find another way to say it. Listen to Warsh on economic policy, and he throws around a lot of big words that presumably sound impressive to people who don’t know anything about the subject. But there’s no coherent argument behind the verbiage.

Fourth, he’s a Republican loyalist, who always wants to slam the economic brakes when Democrats are in power and step on the gas when Republicans rule.

Fifth, as I highlighted in the Truth Social post screenshotted at the top of this piece, Donald Trump thinks he looks the part.

It’s a humiliating day for the Federal Reserve, which has always prided itself on its professionalism and has been hugely respected around the world. But even the Fed can’t insulate itself from the derangement sweeping America.

Paul Krugman is a Nobel Prize-winning economist and former professor at MIT and Princeton who now teaches at the City University of New York's Graduate Center. From 2000 to 2024, he wrote a column for The New York Times. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Paul Krugman.

stock exchange

Dumping American Stock: Why Doing Good May Also Be Doing Well

Before I go further here, let me qualify everything I’m saying here with a warning: I have no crystal ball from which to give people investment advice. However, I do know logic and arithmetic, apparently unlike Donald Trump, so I can draw out some hypothetical situations, which is what I do below.

There has been much discussion, both here and around the world, of the possibility of a flight from the dollar. This has always been a serious risk since Donald Trump took office, but the risk increased enormously from his deranged rant at the World Economic Forum in Davos last week.

Virtually everyone who was not on Trump’s payroll acknowledged that the speech was both scary and incoherent. He made threats to our allies, boasted about imposing tariffs based on personal whims, and displayed an extraordinary ignorance of major world events. With Trump commanding extraordinary powers as president as a result of a docile Republican Congress and servile Supreme Court the United States does not look like a good place to park your money.

There have already been some prominent instances of pension funds pulling their holdings out of Treasury bonds and other U.S. assets, but this is the less important part of the story. Most of the money at risk of leaving the United States is not held by public pension funds which may announce their decision to make a political point.

Rather, most of the money at risk of fleeing is held by private corporations and banks, and wealthy individuals, who would pull their money out of the United States because they think that Donald Trump’s America is a bad investment. There are literally trillions of dollars that could be leaving.

To correct one of the silly things often said by people who should know better, no individual, bank, or corporation is asking where to park one, two, or three trillion dollars. This scenario is supposed to leave them paralyzed in any effort to leave dollar assets, because there is no good alternative country where they can park $4 trillion.

But that is not how the financial system works. The big investors are asking where they can park $10 billion, $50 billion, or $200 billion, and the answer is there are plenty of places where this sort of money can be placed with reasonable safety, including the European Union, Brazil, China, India, the United Kingdom, and Canada. A flight from the dollar running into the trillions would be the result of tens of thousands of decisions to pull millions or billions of dollars out of dollar denominated assets.

I don’t know if we are seeing the beginning of this sort of flight, but if we are, we can say with some degree of confidence that the dollar, along with the U.S. stock, and bond market are headed lower. If that is the case, there is an obvious strategy for people in the United States: join the flight.

If the price of U.S. assets is headed lower, those interested in protecting the value of their retirement money, their kids’ college funds, or other savings should get out before the plunge. Fleeing dollar assets is not difficult to do these days.

Most brokerage houses offer foreign stock and bonds funds that will protect people from both a fall in domestic markets and a fall in the value of the dollar. (The collapse of the AI bubble could cause a plunge even apart from Trump’s craziness.) Obviously, some options will be better than others, but people should apply the same rule in looking at foreign funds as they would with domestic ones. Look to diversify your holdings. You probably don’t want to put all your savings in a German or Italian fund. Both countries’ markets may do great, but there also could be reasons they end up as poor investments. It’s best to hold funds that have stocks and bonds in a number of different countries.

And pay attention to fees. Some funds, like those managed by Vanguard, typically have low fees, while others can charge as much as 1.5-2.0 percent annually to invest your money. Remember, these fees are money that you’re just handing to the financial industry. If you have a fund that charges a 1.5 percent fee on a $100,000 account, that means you’re giving $1,500 a year to the company. Most people can probably find something better they can do with $1,500.

The other part of the story about joining the flight is that you will be speeding the decline in the dollar and the U.S. markets. In ordinary times, that would not be a good thing, but we know that Donald Trump cares about what happens in financial markets. He is totally fine with ignoring Congress (e.g. the Epstein files), the courts, and international law, but he does respond when financial markets take a dip.

Trump is surrounded by ridiculously rich people who couldn’t care less about democracy or what happens to the country, as long as they are making money. However, if they start to lose money because of Trump’s vicious loon tune policies, they will get upset. That could get Trump to start respecting the law and the Constitution. It could be our best hope for saving democracy.

And remember, if the stock market and the dollar are going down anyhow (the dollar has already fallen almost 10 percent under Trump and the stock market has lagged nearly every other major market), you will be protecting your savings by getting out ahead of the rush. This is definitely a case where millions of people can do well by doing good.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

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