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Tag: trump impeachment trial

Dishonor Roll: 22 Republicans Who Voted To Acquit Trump Admit He’s Guilty

Reprinted with permission from American Independent

On February 13, all but seven Senate Republicans voted in the impeachment trial of Donald Trump to acquit him on the single charge of incitement of insurrection for his role in the attack by his followers on the U.S. Capitol on January 6.

Twenty-two of those senators who voted to acquit have said that Trump in fact bears responsibility for the violence at the Capitol.

1) Sen. Mitch McConnell (KY)

McConnell was among the 43 Republicans who voted to acquit Trump on Saturday. After the vote, McConnell said, "There is no question, none, that President Trump is practically and morally responsible for provoking the events of the day. A mob was assaulting the Capitol in his name. These criminals were carrying his banners, hanging his flags and screaming their loyalty to him."

2) Sen. Lindsey Graham (SC)

"When it comes to accountability, the president needs to understand that his actions were the problem, not the solution," Graham said shortly after the Capitol attack, adding, "It breaks my heart that my friend, a president of consequence, would allow yesterday to happen and it will be a major part of his presidency."

3) Sen. Ted Cruz (TX)

Shortly after the riots, Cruz told a Houston ABC affiliate, "The president's language and rhetoric often goes too far. I think, yesterday in particular, the president's language and rhetoric crossed the line and it was reckless. I disagree with it, and I have disagreed with the president's language and rhetoric for the last four years."

4) Sen. John Thune (SD)

Asked by CNN the day before the Senate trial vote if he if he was willing to defend Trump's behavior leading up to the Capitol attack, Thune answered, "No, not at all. The way he handled the post-election, both in terms of his public statements and things that he tried to do to change the outcome, no."

5) Sen. Mike Rounds (SD)

The evening of the Capitol attack, Rounds commented, "If anything [Trump] urged, in a very emotional situation, very inappropriate action by people that appear to be his supporters."

6) Sen. John Cornyn (TX)

Cornyn was asked by a reporter in late January whether he could defend Trump's words and actions leading up to the Jan. 6 storming of the Capitol. "I'm not going to defend them," he said.

7) Sen. Roy Blunt (MO)

On Jan. 10, Blunt said, "Well, I think the president's decisions and his actions that day and leading up to that day on this topic were clearly reckless. I said that very early in the evening on Wednesday, that this was a tragic day for the country and the president had some — had involvement in that."

8) Sen. Mike Braun (IN)

In late January, Braun said, "I think most would have a lot of trouble saying there was no connection" between Trump's behavior and the deadly attack on the Capitol.

9) Sen. Kevin Cramer (ND)

Cramer told USA Today Jan. 6, "The call to march, and to, you know, march down to the Capitol, it was inciting. It was pouring fuel on a spark, so no, [Trump] does bear some responsibility."

10) Sen. John Boozman (AR)

Boozman said in a statement on Feb. 13, "While former President Donald Trump bears some responsibility for what happened that day, the perpetrators who planned, coordinated and assaulted the Capitol building must be held accountable to the fullest extent of the law and brought to justice."

11) Sen. Shelly Moore Capito (WV)

In a statement issued on Feb. 13, Capito said, "What happened on January 6 threatened our foundational transfer of power and the actions were an embarrassment to our country and everything that we stand for. The actions and reactions of President Trump were disgraceful, and history will judge him harshly."

12) Sen. John Hoeven (ND)

Hoeven said in a statement after his vote to acquit, "President Trump should not have encouraged the protest on January 6, but those rioters who broke the law are responsible for their actions and we must condemn all those who engage in violence."

13) Sen. Jerry Moran (KS)

In a statement after he voted to acquit Trump, Moran said, "President Trump was wrong to continue to spread allegations of widespread fraud and not immediately discourage the reprehensible and unpatriotic behavior."

14) Sen. Rob Portman (OH)

Portman said in a statement issued Feb. 13, "I have said that what President Trump did that day was inexcusable because in his speech he encouraged the mob, and that he bears some responsibility for the tragic violence that occurred. I have also criticized his slow response as the mob stormed the U.S. Capitol, putting at risk the safety of Vice President Pence, law enforcement officers, and others who work in the Capitol. Even after the attack, some of the language in his tweets and in a video showed sympathy for the violent mob."

15) Sen. Dan Sullivan (AK)

Sullivan said in a statement issued Feb. 13, "Make no mistake: I condemn the horrific violence that engulfed the Capitol on January 6. I also condemn former President Trump's poor judgment in calling a rally on that day, and his actions and inactions when it turned into a riot."

16) Sen. Rand Paul (KY)

In an interview on Jan. 11, Paul said of Trump's actions before the riot, "I think it was irresponsible to encourage people with the false notion that the election could be overturned."

17) Sen. Chuck Grassley (IA)

In a statement issued Jan. 6, Grassley said, "Everyone must take responsibility for their destructive actions yesterday, including the president. As the leader of the nation, the president bears some responsibility for the actions that he inspires — good or bad. Sadly, yesterday he displayed poor leadership in his words and actions, and he must take responsibility."

18) Sen. Joni Ernst (IA)

Ernst said in a statement after attack on the Capitol, "The president did not display good leadership, and I do think he bears some responsibility for what happened. The responsibility also lies with the violent mob who stormed the Capitol, and they should be held accountable to the full extent of the law."

19) Sen. Richard Shelby (AL)

According to the Associated Press, Shelby told reporters during the impeachment trial that he thought impeachment managers had a "strong case" that Trump should have done more to stop the riots.

20) Sen. Tom Cotton (AR)

Cotton said in a statement on Jan. 6, "It's past time for the president to accept the results of the election, quit misleading the American people, and repudiate mob violence."

21) Sen. Mike Lee (UT)

After voting to acquit on Feb. 13, Lee said in a statement, "No one can condone the horrific violence that occurred on January 6, 2021–or President Trump's words, actions, and omissions on that day. I certainly do not."

22) Sen. Thom Tillis (NC)

In a statement issued after he voted to acquit, Tillis said, "The most serious aspect of President Trump's conduct was not necessarily what he said in the lead-up to the attack of the Capitol, but the leadership he failed to provide to put an end to it, and yet the House curiously chose not to file a charge or build their case around this point.

"It is important to note that a not guilty verdict is not the same as being declared innocent. President Trump is most certainly not the victim here; his words and actions were reckless and he shares responsibility for the disgrace that occurred on January 6."

Published with permission of The American Independent Foundation.

WATCH: Did Trump’s Lawyer Purloin Senate Coasters After Verdict?

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

As the second impeachment trial of Donald Trump came to an end, with a 57-43 vote failing the two-thirds majority required to convict, the former president's defense attorney appeared to "pocket" Senate coasters, which are not souvenirs. "When it was over, there were no handshakes or any apparent interaction between the two panels of lawyers," The Washington Post reported. "Van der Veen did return to the lectern, where he appeared to pocket Senate coasters."

That would be Michael van der Veen, who "is best known for his law firm's ubiquitous ads on local news radio station KYW-AM, which are reminiscent of East Coast electronics chain Crazy Eddie's high-octane TV pitches from the 1980s," an earlier Washington Post article revealed.

Van der Veen won few fans on the left after his outbursts and lies during the impeachment trial.

He was quickly mocked on social media.









McConnell's Condemnation Of Trump Only Exposed His Own Guilt

After voting to acquit former President Donald Trump of inciting an insurrection on January 6, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell did something few were expecting.

He took to the Senate floor and explained why Trump was guilty.

"There is no question that President Trump is practically and morally responsible for provoking the events of that day," Mcconnell said. "The people who stormed this building believed they were acting on the wishes and instructions of their president. And their having that belief was a foreseeable consequence of the growing crescendo of false statements, conspiracy theories, and reckless hyperbole which the defeated president kept shouting into the largest megaphone on planet Earth."

It was a forceful, clear, and powerful speech, one that would have fit well among the many widely praised performances by the House impeachment managers. But rather than mitigating McConnell's vote to acquit, it only aggravated the wrong he had done by covering, once again, for Trump. In attempting to strike a balance between voting in Trump's favor and verbally condemning him, McConnell only made it crystal clear that he's just as guilty as the former president.

"Former President Trump's actions preceding the riot were a disgraceful dereliction of duty," McConnell said. That was true. But on Feb. 13, McConnell — along with many but not all of his Senate Republican colleagues, 43 of whom voted to acquit — were derelict in their own duties to hold Trump accountable.

McConnell's dereliction and betrayal of his office, however, was unique. The excuse he gave for voting to acquit Trump was based on a technicality that he personally engineered.

He claimed the former president is "constitutionally not eligible for conviction," citing the argument made by Trump's lawyers that because the Senate trial occurred after Trump left office, it was improperly held. And he blamed the House of Representatives for this fact: "Donald Trump was the President when the House voted, though not when the House chose to deliver the papers."

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, speaking after McConnell's remarks, eagerly rebutted this claim: "When this distinguished group of House managers were gathered on January 15 to deliver the articles of impeachment, we're told it could not be received because Mitch McConnell had shut down the Senate. And was going to keep it shut down until the inauguration."

She added: "It is so pathetic that Senator McConnell kept the Senate shut down so that the Senate could not receive the article of impeachment and has used that as his excuse for not voting to convict Donald Trump."

McConnell even admitted as much in another part of his speech when he said: "The Senate was right not to entertain some light-speed sham process to try to outrun the loss of jurisdiction."

So he essentially acknowledged that it was his choice to force a situation in which he now claims that Trump can no longer be held accountable by Congress. His suggestion that it would've been a "light-speed sham process" to conduct a snap trial after the House passed the article of impeachment doesn't hold up. The House was able to vote quickly to approve the article on a bipartisan basis. McConnell himself said there is "no question" that Trump did what the House accused him of. In another portion of the speech, McConnell called the impeachment power an "intra-governmental safety valve" — an apt phrase. But the point is to use it, and it provides little safety if it can't be used swiftly in an emergency.

An impeachment trial is not a criminal proceeding, so it doesn't need to have the traditional level of due process usually afforded by the courts. Congress can adapt its procedures based on the seriousness of the violation in question and the persuasiveness of the available evidence. And McConnell's remarks make clear: he thinks the evidence was decisive. Trump's behavior was "unconscionable," he said, and it threatened to "either overturn the voters' decision or else torch our institutions on the way out."

So why not hold the trial immediately? McConnell just didn't want to convict, so he delayed instead. He then used the delay as an excuse to acquit.

"The constitutional argument on its own is dubious, even if McConnell weren't the source of the technicality that enabled its use as a fig leaf. Most constitutional scholars reject it, including originalists and conservative thinkers McConnell supposedly adores. And though he argued vehemently in favor of his interpretation, McConnell even admitted the Constitution is "legitimately ambiguous" on the question of trying former officials. Given this admission, McConnell should have, by all rights, let the matter remain settled by the Senate's vote on the question, 56-44, finding that it did have jurisdiction to hold Trump's trial. Instead, despite having lost this vote, McConnell used this separate issue as his excuse for voting on another matter entirely: regardless of jurisdiction, was Trump guilty of the charges laid out in the article of impeachment?

McConnell's speech made quite clear he thinks Trump was guilty. But instead — against his own judgment, and arguably in violation of his own oaths — he declared Trump "not guilty" when the roll was called.

Were McConnell really so opposed to the trial that he thought he couldn't in good faith vote to convict, he could have chosen to abstain from the final vote. He could have even boycotted the proceedings, which would have made it easier for the managers to obtain a conviction — a conviction only requires two-thirds of the senators who are present. Instead of choosing these alternatives, McConnell took a dishonest vote.

These choices on McConnell's part show how hollow his devotion to the Constitution and his cries of outrage about the president's conduct really are. But it wasn't just the games he played around impeachment that should draw scrutiny. His actions prior to January 6 showed he's just as derelict in his duty as the president was.

Even though McConnell on Saturday denounced the "growing crescendo of false statements, conspiracy theories, and reckless hyperbole, which the defeated President kept shouting into the largest megaphone on planet Earth" for inspiring the violent Capitol mob, the Kentucky senator himself had already personally enabled it.

On November 10, 2020, after media outlets correctly projected Joe Biden as the winner of the election, Trump had already declared victory and was launching a wave of frivolous lawsuits attempting to overturn the result. The then-sitting president's refusal to concede despite the clear evidence of his loss disturbed many of his critics, and some of us correctly saw even then that he was plotting a coup. We warned of potential violence.

But McConnell defended Trump's array of legal challenges, despite their clear lack of merit and their role in stoking conspiracy theories and distrust in the election result.

"Until the electoral college votes, anyone who's running for office can exhaust concerns about counting in any court of appropriate jurisdiction," McConnell said on Nov. 10. "That's not unusual. That should not be alarming."

He added: "At some point here we'll find out, finally, who was certified in each of these states. And the electoral college will determine the winner. And that person will be sworn in on January 20. No reason for alarm."

There was reason for alarm, and many of us were correctly alarmed. Not only did McConnell dismiss those legitimate fears, he was defending what he has since called on Saturday the "increasingly wild myths about a reverse landslide election that was being stolen in some secret coup.

McConnell did recognize Biden as the president-elect after the Electoral College voted in mid-December. But by then the damage was done. McConnell had enabled Trump to spin his election lies for more than a month, and the train was already on a course for disaster. Had McConnell, as the then-leader of the Senate, joined with Speaker Pelosi in congratulating Biden and assuring the country that his victory was settled as soon as the election result had become clear, Trump's doomed effort to stay in power might never have gotten off the ground.

Just as Trump's riling up of the mob on January 6 foreseeably resulted in the violent attack on the Capitol, McConnell's decision to humor the president in November foreseeably gave rise to an insurrectionist movement.

And indeed, McConnell's dereliction of duty goes back even further. He led the Senate through Trump's first impeachment trial at the beginning of 2020, before the COVID-19 pandemic took over our lives. And he was upfront from the start that there was no way he and the Republican caucus he led were going to let Trump be convicted.

During that trial, lead impeachment manager Adam Schiff made a passionate plea that Trump's attempt to induce Ukraine to investigate Joe Biden was a gross abuse of power and an attempt to cheat in the 2020 election. And Schiff warned that if Trump wasn't convicted and removed, he would continue to put democracy at risk

"You can't trust this president to do the right thing," Schiff told the Senate. "Not for one minute, not for one election, not for the sake of our country. You just can't. He will not change and you know it."

But McConnell, along with nearly the rest of his caucus, refused to listen. Even as Democrats said over and over that Trump's crime needed to be punished by impeachment because it was a threat to democracy, McConnell said their objections could be solved at the ballot box.

"If Washington Democrats have a case to make against the President's re-election, they should go out and make it. Let them try to do what they failed to do three years ago and sell the American people on their vision for the country," McConnell said during the first impeachment trial.

It was a disingenuous response, and he knew better. There was a plain warning that Trump was dangerous and didn't care about democracy, but McConnell couldn't be moved. He helped keep Trump in office, only to let Trump attack democracy in a more overt, gruesome, and vicious way. The Capitol was stormed. More than a hundred officers were injured. Five people died during the attack, including one Capitol police officer. Two other cops who responded to the assault died by suicide in the following days.

McConnell correctly said that Trump is "practically and morally responsible" for the events of that day. That's true. But McConnell shares in the blame as well.

Speaking on Saturday, he said: "The Senate's decision does not condone anything that happened on or before that terrible day. It simply shows that Senators did what the former President failed to do: We put our constitutional duty first."

But this isn't correct. Like the former president, McConnell abandoned his duty to protect the Constitution and fulfill his oath of office. By letting Trump off the hook, once again, McConnell's just as negligent and derelict.

McConnell tried to deflect such accusations by saying others can hold Trump responsible: "We have a criminal justice system in this country. We have civil litigation. And former presidents are not immune from being held accountable by either one."

But he also said: "By the strict criminal standard, the president's speech probably was not incitement."

That claim is up for debate, and many legal scholars disagree. But if McConnell is right, Trump isn't subject to be held accountable for the acts he spent the speech condemning. If it is true that Trump's acts, reprehensible as they were in McConnell's view, didn't technically violate the criminal law, it would only emphasize why it's so important that the Constitution provides a specific remedy for high crimes and misdemeanors. Officials can abuse their power and authority in unique and dangerous ways, and that's why impeachment exists. Through McConnell's actions, the remedy has been vacated. And if Trump does end up criminally charged for his January 6 conduct, his party and supporters would have been better prepared for that eventuality if the Senate had properly fulfilled its duty and delivered a resounding bipartisan vote for conviction.

Instead, Republicans want someone else to take responsibility for Trump.

And regardless of the criminal question, the gravity of Trump's violation demands a constitutional response. It would prevent Trump from even credibly threatening to run for office again and help the country move on. And it would close that dark and dangerous chapter, and potentially allow the Republican Party to move in a healthier direction.

But McConnell, like most of the GOP, is refusing to defend American democracy from a would-be tyrant. He let Trump run wild and tramble over American institutions, cheering him on at certain moments, averting his gaze at others, and eventually throwing up his hands in a feigned inability to use his power to respond as needed. And for that, the minority leader shares in the former president's guilt.




Why Sen. Tuberville’s Revelations Are Vital To Impeachment Case

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

On Friday, former President Donald Trump's lawyers wrapped up their brief arguments in defense of their client in less than four of the 16 hours they had available to them. In that time, they skirted over many of the arguments the impeachment managers have made for conviction; they instead tried to deflect blame for Trump's alleged "incitement of insurrection" on January 6 by pointing to Democrats who used similar language, even though that came in contexts where no such similar violence was unleashed.

Trump's lawyers largely skipped over a key part of the managers' case: the former president's attacks on former Vice President Mike Pence and the peril he was under. This feature of the case because particularly relevant this week after the House impeachment managers' arguments on Wednesday, because Alabama Republican Sen. Tommy Tuberville revealed a new and surprising detail about his communication with the then-president that could shed light on Trump's state of mind during the January 6 attack.

Republican Sen. Mike Lee of Utah had already explained that he had received a phone call from Trump during the attack while in the Senate chamber. That call came a little after 2 p.m. Trump hadn't meant to call Lee, but instead wanted to talk to newly elected Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama. So Lee gave his phone to Tuberville.

It's not entirely clear what they discussed, though Rudy Giuliani was later recorded leaving a message that he thought was for Tuberville pleading with the senator to delay the count of the Electoral College votes. But on Wednesday, after a minor dispute about the events, Tuberville told reporters how the phone call ended.

"I said, 'Mr. President, they just took the vice president out, I've got to go,'" Tuberville said.

This is significant. According to the Washington Post's construction of the timeline, Pence was removed from the Senate chamber at 2:13 p.m. So we can infer that that's about the time when Tuberville told Trump that Pence had been evacuated.

It was just about 10 minutes later, at 2:24 p.m., when Trump tweeted the following:

Mike Pence didn't have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution, giving States a chance to certify a corrected set of facts, not the fraudulent or inaccurate ones which they were asked to previously certify. USA demands the truth!

Many, including the impeachment managers, have pointed to this tweet as a part of Trump's incitement. Even after his mob of supporters had breached the Capitol, Trump was still fueling their rage and attacking Pence as a traitor for not helping him and his movement overturn the election.

But Tuberville's information introduces a new detail from the side of events that we know least about: Trump's perspective during the attack. It's reasonable to assume, and reporting indicates, that Trump was watching the news coverage of the events. But Tuberville's revelation confirms that Trump's targeted attack on Pence — one that was read aloud and championed by the rioters — was sent directly after the time he had already been informed of the vice president's evacuation from the chamber due to the danger posed by the mob. Pence was under direct threat, Trump had been informed of the threat, and yet the president kept up the attacks. The managers even showed clips of protesters reading Trump's 2:24 p.m. tweet aloud during the riot, further providing evidence that the insurrectionists were, indeed, incited by his words.

On Friday, Trump's lawyers largely wanted to skip over mentioning the direct attack on Pence.

A Democratic senator had noted that he was stunned by the attack in the moment.

Trial Spotlights Moment When Trump Tried To Get Pence Killed

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Over the course of their presentation, House impeachment managers showed how Donald Trump groomed his supporters to be outraged, repeatedly encouraged violence, and finally directed them to carry out their assault on the Capitol building in order to interrupt the counting of electoral college votes. The day was full of shocking moments and previously unseen images. The number of moments when enraged insurgents intent on murder came within feet of members of Congress should have been sobering—if not terrifying—to everyone watching in the Senate.

One other thing that came up during the day was a repeated theme of praise for the way that Mike Pence did his job on Jan. 6. That may seem like a strange approach for a Democratic team to take in dealing with the impeachment of a Republican president. But pointing out how Pence stood up to Trump in saying he would certify the results of the count serves two purposes: First, it allows the House managers to showcase that a Republican can, in fact, oppose Trump, providing Pence as a role model for any Republican senators who might think of stepping out of Trump's fear-shadow.

But the other thing it does is point the finger straight at what might be the most chilling moment of January 6—one that showcases Trump's absolute malice and depravity.

The complete story of that moment was split across two presentations on Wednesday. First, as Rep. Stacey Plaskett reviewed the events of that afternoon, there was the footage and diagrams showing just how close the insurrectionists came to capturing Pence. Second, a presentation from Rep. Joaquin Castro showed how Trump's tweets about Pence came even as people were begging him to stop his supporters. When it's all put together, it looks like this.

2:10 PM

Lee recounts phone call involving Mike Pence.

As insurgents smash their way through the Capitol windows and doors, Donald Trump ignores the violence being seen on every network and tries to make a call to Sen. Tommy Tuberville. Instead, he dials Sen. Mike Lee. At the end of the day on Wednesday, Lee objected to this information and asked that a statement attributed to him be stricken from the record. However, these are the only statements made by Lee that were mentioned anywhere in the House presentation.

Conversation between Trump and Mike Lee.

Thanks to Lee's objection, Sen. Tuberville was questioned about the phone call on Wednesday afternoon and told reporters from Politico that he ended the phone call by saying this: "I said 'Mr. President, they just took the vice president out, I've got to go.'"

2:15 PM

Pence is removed from the Senate chamber.

Thanks to Tuberville's statement, there's a definitive time stamp on the call. Because Pence was quickly removed from the Senate chamber and taken to another location as the Secret Service and Capitol Police worked to secure an exit route.

2:24 PM

This means that the moment he hung up with Tuberville, Trump knew both that his supporters had entered the Capitol, and that Mike Pence was in danger. Trump's next action may be his most incredibly depraved of the entire day. Because what he did next was to pull out his phone and enter a tweet that aimed his supporters straight at the fleeing Pence.

Trump's tweet about Pence.

At the Capitol, Trump's tweet was read in real time by the enraged mob, with one of Trump's supporters even blasting out the tweet over a bullhorn just seconds after it appeared. In response, the crowd takes up a chant of "Hang Mike Pence! Hang Mike Pence!"

Insurgents read Trump

2:26 PM

Two minutes after Trump's tweet appears, officers take advantage of the distraction provided by Capitol Police Officer Eugene Goodman to direct Pence and his family down a flight of stairs and out of the building.

Pence is led away, with insurgents just a few feet down a hallway.

No one can say that Donald Trump didn't take action during those hours following the invasion of the Capitol. Because, on learning that Mike Pence was in peril, Trump acted instantly and decisively … to aim the threat at Pence and his family. Trump went for what he saw as both a chance of revenge at Pence for his refusal to participate in an unconstitutional scheme to "send the votes back" to states, and Trump saw an opportunity to do what he had just tried to gain from Tuberville—a delay in counting the votes. After all, what better way to delay than to have Mike Pence hanging from a gallows on the Capitol lawn?

Gallows erected outside Capitol by Trump supporters.

Thanks to Lee's objection, Tuberville nailed down the timing of Trump's call. And thanks to Tuberville, we now know the full sequence of events. And thanks to that sequence we know this: Donald Trump acted quickly and deliberately in an attempt to harm or even kill Mike Pence.

Violating Their Oath: Nearly A Third Of GOP Senators Skipped Parts Of Impeachment Trial

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

Fifteen of the 50 Republican Senators refused to show up for at least "the first few hours" of Thursday's arguments by the Democratic managers in the Senate impeachment trial of former President Donald Trump, CNN's Manu Raju and Forbes report.

That's 30 percent of the Republican caucus in the Senate, or nearly one-third of the GOP members.

"Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Rand Paul (R-KY) were both away from their desks, for instance, while Sen. Jim Risch (R-ID) was in the basement on his phone, CNN's Manu Raju reported," Forbes adds.

"Many within the chamber were preoccupied with other activities: Sens. Tom Cotton (R-AR) and Chuck Grassley (R-IA) were reading papers, while, according to CNN's Jeremy Herb, Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) 'had a blank map of Asia on his desk and was writing on it like he was filling in the names of the countries.'"

Worse, at least one Republican Senator has already violated his oath to deliver "impartial justice."

Senators are required to swear or affirm that he or she will "do impartial justice according to the Constitution and laws."

But Senator John Boozman (R-AR) "said Thursday that he has decided he will vote to acquit Trump because he believes the trial is unconstitutional, putting himself on record among Republican senators who are likely or certain to oppose conviction," NBC News reports.

"This was unconstitutional. And so it makes it difficult to back up," Boozman told reporters Thursday afternoon.

Legal experts say that's false. The Senate, as a body, voted 56-44 that it indeed does have jurisdiction in this case, and that trying Trump after he left office is constitutional. Senators do not have to flexibility to make up the rules as they go.

CNN legal analyst Elie Honig, a former federal prosecutor, on Wednesday tweeted, "Now that the Senate has voted that trial *is* constitutional, Senators should not rely on an unconstitutionality argument for final verdict."

CNN's Raju also caught one of Trump's impeachment attorneys skipping out on Thursday's proceedings, opting to do a live interview with Fox News instead of paying attention.

"Why do a break from the trial and do this live shot in the middle of your trial?" Raju asked David Schoen.

"It's more of the same thing, they're showing points that don't exist," Schoen reportedly replied. "It's offensive quite frankly, in reference to the healing process, to continue to show the tragedy that happened here that Donald Trump has condemned," he claimed.

Trump, who has never shown any remorse or taken any responsibility for the domestic terrorism he incited and that was carried out in his name, has never urged healing, and did not condemn the attack on the Capitol until a week after the insurrection.

Some Republicans ‘Shaken’ By Horrific Riot Video — But Others Don’t Much Care

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

For those who found Tuesday's videos of the January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol by Trump-incited insurrectionists disturbing or difficult to watch, many seem to be saying Wednesday's videos were even more difficult to watch.

The videos, never before seen security camera footage of the assault on the building and on hundreds of Capitol Police officers, show just how close the domestic terrorists came to coming in contact with the Vice President and the Speaker of the House – the second and third elected officials in line to the presidency – and Senate lawmakers.

Politico congressional reporter Andrew Desiderio says Senators Dick Durbin (D-IL) and Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) "looked away" during the footage of Metropolitan Police Officer Daniel Hodges being crushed by the insurrectionists.

But a few Republicans were also emotionally affected.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) told CNN's Manu Raju, "I don't see how Donald Trump could be re-elected to the presidency" after the videos were shown in the Senate trial, if Senators don't vote to bar him from running for office. She also told him "that the evidence that was presented thus far is pretty damning."

Desiderio also says Sen. James Lankford (R-OK) "was incredibly shaken up after that last video of Officer Hodges being crushed. I and other reporters in the chamber observed Lankford appearing to get teary-eyed. Sen. [Steve] Daines (R-MT) was comforting him and was holding his arm."

And one unnamed GOP Senator confessed they hope all Americans watched today's videos.

But not all Republicans were affected.

"I've got nothing for you now," Senator John Cornyn told CNN's Raju, who says the Texas Republican is usually very "talkative."

Senator Ron Johnson of Wisconsin appeared to be in total denial of Trump's complicity.

Senator Roy Blunt of Missouri, a Trump die-hard, was untouched.


As was Senator Mike Braun of Indiana – Mike Pence's home state:

It's hard to convict, Braun added, "When you think the process is flawed in the first place."

The Senate voted 55-45 that the process was not flawed, that the Senate had jurisdiction to try the case. Senators are jurors, and swear an oath to deliver "impartial justice." As a juror, Braun does not get to decide whether or not the "process is flawed," because the Senate said it was not.

Senator Rick Scott (R-FL) called Tuesday's proceedings a waste of time.

"This is a complete waste of time," Scott said, per NBC News. "It's not doing anything to help American families, it's not helping people get jobs, it's not helping get the vaccine out … it's vindictive."

#EndorseThis: Plaskett Proves Trump Was 'Directly Involved' In Instigating Capitol Riot

We know the truth. You know the truth. Though most of them will deny it, Senate Republicans know it too. Donald Trump caused the deadly Capitol riots that put our precious and fragile democracy in danger. And he knew what he was doing all along.

Impeachment Manager Stacey Plaskett (D-USVI) methodically proved that Trump was "directly involved" in the planning and "deliberate encouraged" the deadly and violent actions of his base, in a powerful display of abundantly clear evidence on the Senate floor Wednesday. It is all the Senate should need to convict the 45th President of the United States and make sure he can never hold again.

What Delegate Plaskett showed the world today is undeniable. Click the link and see for yourself.


WATCH: Trump was 'directly involved' in organizing Capitol attack, says Del. Plaskett www.youtube.com