Tag: women's rights
Did Feminism 'Fail' Women? Misogyny In The Trump Regime -- And The New York Times

Did Feminism 'Fail' Women? Misogyny In The Trump Regime -- And The New York Times

The 51st anniversary of the Equal Credit Act – the law that for the first time in history enabled women to be treated like adults and not minors, both financially and in the workplace – came and went last month with barely a whisper. Instead of acknowledging (much less celebrating) the anniversary of this seismic shift, New York Times opinion columnist Ross Douthat took to the airwaves with a radically different message.

At first his podcast was titled “Did Women Ruin the Workplace?” but that was quickly changed to something presumed to be slightly less enraging to female readers: “Did Liberal Feminism Ruin the Workplace?” Nevertheless, my Instagram feed has been exploding with videos and memes by irate women for over a week. If you haven’t listened to Douthat’s discussion with conservative writers Helen Andrews and Leah Libresco Sargeant, you can find everything you need to know in his opening statement: “Men and women are different… Should the right be trying to roll back the entire feminist era? Or is there a form of conservative feminism that corrects liberalism’s mistakes?”

This latest broadside against feminism is actually a gift, because it lays bare the misogyny in the current backlash. Helen Andrews’ polemic was published in Compact, a small conservative on-line magazine. In a gigantic leap backward to the zeitgeist of the 1950s, “The Great Feminization” makes the case that women have damaged workplace culture because of their feminine personality traits, like back-biting, gossiping, and over emoting. She relitigates the excesses of #MeToo (did Aziz Ansari deserve to be canceled because of a bad date?) and identifies women’s recent ascendency in some white-collar professions as the principal cause of the horrors of “wokism.”

Andrews claims that the “tipping point” of this malign feminization began when law schools became majority female in 2016, followed by medical schools in 2019. She dangles statistics that 80 percent of veterinary students and 75 percent of psychology PhD students are women -- not as a sign of women’s success, but as a threat to civilization. Even the staff of the New York Times, Andrews warns, became majority female in 2023. A slippery slope to a bitch-fest is the only possible next step.

Douthat and his guests seem to be completely oblivious of the fact that women’s rights – and even women’s lives – have been under direct assault since the dawn of Trump’s second presidency. Their intellectual framing of the search for causes of male frustration or discomfort in today’s workplace blithely "dick-washes" any and every glaring insult to the integrity of women’s hard-earned advancement.

Instead of the Trump administration’s war on women, Douthat argues that “liberal feminism” is a bigger threat, a notion he sums up with an offensively ignorant question: “What is wrong with existing feminism — liberal feminism — and how has it failed women?”

How has feminism in November 2025 failed women? Really, Ross? What rock have you been living under? Douthat never identifies these phantom feminists who are ruining women’s lives and emasculating the workplace. Clearly, he is a victim of historical amnesia. At 45, Douthat may be too young to realize that just 50 years ago, the only jobs available to women outside of the home were domestic work, secretary, teacher, nurse, or stewardess (with the latter fired at age 32 or if they got married).

Just one generation ago, the white male establishment presumed that women were intellectually inferior, physically weak, and in need of protection by the patriarchy. Before the 1974 Equal Credit Act, women could not get a credit card or a mortgage without the consent of a father or husband. Before 1970, women were less than four percent of all lawyers, seven percent of doctors, and one percent of engineers and scientists. Ninety-four percent of all gynecologists were male. Women earned only one third of all college degrees, and one in 10 Ph.D.’s. There were almost no tenured female college professors, and only nine percent of college varsity athletes were women. Women weren’t allowed to run the Boston Marathon until 1973, because male doctors thought their uteruses would collapse.

Prescription birth control wasn’t legal nationally until 1972, and before Roe v. Wade legalized abortion in 1973, at least 1,000 women died every year from botched back-alley abortions. At the New York Times, women were almost exclusively assigned to write for the fashion and the society pages. It wasn’t until after winning a class-action sex discrimination lawsuit that the first woman was allowed to become a copy editor. That was just 50 years ago, in 1975.

The second wave feminist movement (the first wave fought for suffrage 50 years earlier), destroyed the deeply entrenched misogynistic barriers that denied women dignity, independence, and power for thousands of years. Incredibly, these are the hard-earned victories that Douthat and Andrews are now arguing have “failed women.” They have found eager allies in the Trump administration.

Within hours of taking the oath of office last January 20, Donald Trump and his henchman Elon Musk immediately began to eviscerate laws, departments, and funding that promoted and protected women’s rights. It is safe to say that we are witnessing the biggest anti-feminist backlash since the start of the second wave feminist movement in the 1960s and ‘70s. Following Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s Christian nationalist playbook, the Trump administration has drastically cut funding for women’s health care, reproductive care, and medical research. It has eliminated women’s civil rights protections in education and employment, cut Medicaid, SNAP, and childcare funding.

Trump, a sex offender himself, has hired sex offenders, and pardoned others, while firing dozens of leading women career civil servants and many thousands of rank-and-file women in the federal work force.

The tidal wave of this administration’s anti-woman policies has swept through every government agency. Let’s just look at one aspect of its policy backlash: reproductive health. On day four of his presidency, Trump pardoned 23 convicted criminals (many of whom were in jail) who violently threatened and harassed patients and doctors at abortion clinics. He then froze federal funding for contraceptive care (Title X), which will shutter many Planned Parenthood clinics, and fired the entire staff of the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Population Affairs, eliminating their $300 million budget. And that’s just the beginning when it comes to the attack on women’s health.

Meanwhile, thanks to Trump’s hand-picked Supreme Court majority, forty-nine years of women’s constitutional right to abortion had already disappeared with the Dobbs decision in June 2022. Today, 41-percent of American women of childbearing age (15 to 45) live in states with abortion bans. Just like racial segregation before the 1960s, Jane Crow is now the law of the land in 16 states in the American South, Midwest, and West.

The problem in those states isn’t just access to abortion care; the ban has an impact on every aspect of reproductive care. If a woman has a miscarriage in one of the 16 ban states, she is unlikely to get the medical attention she needs and could bleed out, get sepsis, become infertile, or even die. We already know of two women who have died in Georgia and three in Texas because their miscarriages weren’t treated.

These states are also becoming reproductive health care deserts. Idaho has lost 20 percent of its obstetrician/gynecologists and there is only one high-risk pregnancy specialist in the entire state. Pregnant women in Idaho now routinely purchase special insurance in case they have to be medevacked out of the state for a medical emergency. Applications to medical residency programs at University of Texas, Vanderbilt, Emory, and Washington University are down 20 percent. Those future doctors must be asking themselves, why risk criminal prosecution?

But Douthat and his podcast guests still insist that feminism is a greater danger to women than Trump. Andrews waxes on about how “wokeness” is “shutting down conversations, intruding politics into spheres that had previously been neutral — importantly neutral.” Bafflingly, she adds, “Pillars of civilization — neutrality, things like the rule of law — were suddenly subject to politicization in a way that was really, really harmful.”

She is saying this with a straight face, and yet she neglects to mention that freedom of speech is under threat in America today. Universities are losing billions of dollars in research funding if they don’t comply with draconian demands by the administration to control their curriculum, student admissions policies, and faculty hiring practices. The Trump administration is “shutting down conversations,” and “intruding politics into spheres” when it comes to science by terminating more than $7 billion in federal research grants to over 600 colleges and Universities. Any kind of research bearing a hint of “diversity, equity, or inclusion” has been summarily cancelled. As for freedom of speech, scores of foreign students have been deported for expressing their political beliefs and thousands of books have been banned, if only for the crime of being written by or about women, LGBTQ, or Black people.

This is our new and truly virulent cancel culture, Ross. Let’s not blame it on “the feminists.”

Clara Bingham is the author most recently of The Movement: How Women’s Liberation Transformed America1963-1973.

Ken Paxton

Under New Bill, Texas Women Will Face Prosecution For Abortion

Late in April, the Texas Senate passed a new anti-abortion bill that opens the door to women being criminally prosecuted for obtaining an abortion — even in a different state.

Authored by Sen. Bryan Hughes, a Menola Republican, Senate Bill 2880 — titled the “Women and Child Protection Act” — ushers in a currently dormant 1925 abortion ban, and would be the first law in the country to allow pregnant women to be prosecuted for receiving abortion care.

“The most egregious point of SB 2880 is that it quietly revives Texas’s pre-Roe abortion ban by explicitly incorporating the 1925 law into the bill’s definition of criminal abortion law,” Sen. Carol Alvarado, a Houston Democrat, said during Senate debate over the bill on April 30.

“The 1925 law does not exclude women from prosecution and explicitly criminalizes ‘furnishing the means’ for an abortion — a vague clause that could be used to target those who assist abortion-related travel,” Alvarado added. “This bill will open the door to the criminalization of women seeking out-of-state abortions. The threat is not theoretical — it is written clearly into the text. This clause appears in no other abortion law currently on the books in Texas.”

In fact, the 1925 abortion ban is specifically referenced twice in SB 2880, Alvarado said.

Under SB 2880, for example, every one of the 35,000 Texas women who fled the state in 2023 to receive abortions in states where the care is legal could have been prosecuted.

Punishment for anyone breaking the 1925 abortion ban law is prison time of two to five years.

At a hearing for a similar bill — House Bill 44 from Rep. Charlie Geren, a Republican from Fort Worth — Texas attorney Elizabeth Myers testified that, “By explicitly referencing and defining Texas’s criminal abortion laws to include what has been called the 1925 ban, SB 2880 and (its companion House Bill) HB 5510 potentially re-animates a century-old abortion law that is currently void and unenforceable, as the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals held in 2004.”

“The 1925 ban does not exempt pregnant Texans from prosecution for obtaining an abortion,” Myers said. “The 1925 ban also prohibits ‘furnishing the means’ for abortions. Multiple state actors, including the Texas attorney general, claim that vague phrase makes it a crime to help a pregnant woman leave the state to get an abortion.”

Attorney General Ken Paxton appeared to support this idea in 2022, after Roe v. Wade was overturned. Paxton wrote on X that the pre-Roe anti abortion statutes in Texas, which would include the 1925 law, were once again enforceable.

“Texas’s pre-Roe statutes criminalizing abortion is 100% good law, and I’ll ensure they’re enforceable,” Paxton wrote in the post. “Thankful for SCOTUS’s Dobbs decision paving the way to make Texas fully pro-life!”

A Texas House committee is now considering SB 2880. A companion bill in the House, HB 5510, had a hearing on April 25. HB 5510 already has support from more than a third of Republicans — all of whom have signed on as co-sponsors.

1925 abortion ban may be the end goal

The inclusion of two references to the 1925 ban in SB 2880 is especially noteworthy, according to experts, since the Texas Senate ended a bruising battle over the “Life of the Mother Act” — also known as SB 31 — one day before passing SB 2880.

SB 31 unanimously passed on April 29, with both Democratic and Republican support after language was inserted into the bill aiming to clarify when health care professionals can use an abortion to save a patient’s life.

Rep. Donna Howard, an Austin Democrat, told Courier Texas that she supports SB 31 because it could clear up confusion that doctors and hospital administrators have had about when they can legally perform abortions in medical emergencies.

Since the passage of the “Texas Heartbeat Act” in 2021, maternal mortality in Texas has skyrocketed by 56 percent, deadly sepsis cases among pregnant women have soared by 50 percent, infant mortality has increased by almost 13 percent and three miscarrying women have been documented to have died when they were denied timely treatment in hospital emergency rooms in Texas.

“I wouldn’t use the word ‘happy’ to describe my feelings,” Howard said about the Senate approving SB 31. ”This is not a ‘choice’ bill. It doesn’t address rape, incest, and fatal fetal abnormalities. I would love to do more, but we don’t have the votes.”

Texas voters have elected a Republican trifecta — GOP majorities in the state House and Senate, and a Republican governor — for the past 23 years.

“But it does clear up the confusion so that mothers can be saved,” Howard said about the bill. “We can’t let the perfect get in the way of the good…if this allows me to save the lives of Texas moms, I’m going to do that.”

The battle over the inclusion of the 1925 abortion law in SB 31 received public attention after several of the women who sued Texas in the Zurawski v. Texas lawsuit publicly lobbied against the possibility of women being criminalized and prosecuted for getting abortions as a result of passing the bill.

Amanda Zurawski, the lead plaintiff in the Zurawski case — which also sought to clarify medical exemptions — said that she was “grateful” that the eventual amendments to SB 31 included language noting that the bill was not intended to affirm that the 1925 ban could be used to prosecute pregnant women.

“This is a step in the right direction,” Zurawski said. “I’m grateful that our electeds listened to our concerns and worked on this bill. There’s a lot of bad legislation on the table and we have to be vigilant about it.”

One of the other Zurawski plaintiffs — Kaitlyn Kash, who lobbied lawmakers alongside Zurawski to amend SB 31 — said that she appreciated that Hughes, the bill’s author, listened to the women’s concerns.

“I like that there is now hard text saying that the bill is not meant for women to be prosecuted,” Kash said. “I feel comfortable no longer standing in the way of the bill.”

She, Zurawski and other fellow plaintiffs have formed advocacy group Free & Just, and plan to continue to warn women about bills that threaten their reproductive health care.

“Women wake up, this is your lives,” Kash said.

But neither she, Zurawski, or other members of Free & Just could have predicted that just one day after successfully removing some impediments for Texas women to receive medically necessary abortions, Hughes would refuse to take references to the 1925 ban out of SB 2880.

Alvarado told the Senate that her request to Hughes to remove the references to the 1925 abortion ban in SB 2880 had been “ignored.” She called SB 2880 a “backdoor effort” to fully reinstate the 1925 law, adding that the bipartisan passage of the amended SB 31 now “rings hollow.”

Sen. Sarah Eckhardt, a Democrat from Austin, told the Senate that while the changes in SB 31 were “a tiny step forward,” they were “followed immediately by this staggering hurdle backwards.”

What looms if the Texas Legislature passes SB 2880?

In addition to SB 2880 opening the door to pregnant women being prosecuted for getting abortions out of state or taking medication abortion pills, the bill also establishes a bounty allowing any private citizen in the country to civilly sue a person they suspect of helping a Texas woman leave the state to get an abortion.

The bill is also targeted at manufacturers and distributors of abortion pills and the doctors who prescribe them, even if they are located in states where abortion is legal.

Eckhardt accused Hughes and Republican supporters of SB 2880 of designing it to “isolate pregnant women and to threaten family friends, the organizations, lawyers and even judges that they might turn to for help, driving women into hiding, into secrecy and into another state where individual rights to self determination are still recognized.”

Hughes was not moved by pleas to delete references to the 1925 ban. He insisted that SB 2880, including its mentions of the 1925 abortion ban, was necessary in order to protect every “innocent and helpless” “unborn baby sleeping in their mother’s womb,” and also to “protect” Texas women from taking “poisonous” abortion pills from out of state.

Eckhardt mocked Hughes for purporting to “protect us little ladies.”

“I don’t feel protected, I feel attacked,” she said.

Sen. Molly Cook, a Democrat from Houston, urged Republicans to “stop trying to punish anyone who tries to help anyone assisting women trying to obtain autonomy over their bodies. And instead we should be doing everything to make pregnancy safe in Texas and to care for babies and children.”

With pregnant women in Texas having a 155% higher risk of dying than pregnant women in California, Cook asserted that “it is so unsafe to be pregnant in Texas.”

“They (Republican lawmakers) are trying to stop pregnant people from getting the care they need and they don’t care how they hurt people, even if that isolates people and prevents out-of-state physicians and clinics from providing care to Texans,” added Blake Rocap, legislative counsel for Avow, a nonprofit fighting for abortion access across Texas.

Rocap called the reference to the 1925 abortion ban in SB 2880 a “flashing red warning light about the anti-abortion movement’s plans.” Rocap warned of Attorney General Ken Paxton’s likely support of “ex-abusive partners” attempting to control pregnant Texans who need abortions through the civil bounty part of the law.

Bonnie Fuller is the former CEO and editor-in-chief of HollywoodLife.com and former editor-in-chief of Glamour, Cosmopolitan, Marie Claire, and USWeekly.

Reprinted with permission from Courier Texas.

State Sen. Justin Eichorn

GOP Legislator (And MAGA Zealot) Busted For Alleged Solicitation Of Minor

A Minnesota Republican state lawmaker was arrested on Monday for allegedly soliciting a minor for prostitution, Minnesota Public Radio reported.

State Sen. Justin Eichorn was arrested after he communicated with police department officers who were posing as a 16-year-old female, MPR reported.

In a scene that sounds straight out of a To Catch a Predator episode, Eichorn set up a time to meet up with who he thought was a 16-year-old girl, but when he showed up, he was instead met by police who placed him under arrest.

“As a 40-year-old man, if you come to the Orange Jumpsuit District looking to have sex with someone’s child, you can expect that we are going to lock you up," Bloomington Police Chief Booker Hodges said in a statement announcing Eichorn's arrest, the Minnesota Star Tribune reported.

In what should come as no surprise, Eichorn has fashioned himself a protector of children during his time in the Minnesota legislature.

In 2021, he came out against a bill that would move away from teaching an abstinence-based sex education curriculum to children in Minnesota schools.

“I don’t know about you, but I don’t want my elementary age kids learning this stuff. Before you know it, they’ll be reading kids 50 Shades of Grey. This discussion is better had at a more mature age. Thankfully, the Senate will work to stop this and other crazy ideas,” Eichorn said in a Facebook post at the time.

Eichorn is also an anti-abortion zealot who wants to ban abortion in Minnesota under the guise of protecting children.

This is not the first time Eichorn has been in the news in recent days.

Just this weekend, he was met with cheers from Make America Great Again influencers when he and three other Minnesota Republican state senators introduced a bill to classify “Trump Derangement Syndrome”—which MAGAs coined to describe people who oppose Trump's actions—as a mental disorder.

The bill defines "Trump Derangement Syndrome" as "the acute onset of paranoia in otherwise normal persons that is in reaction to the policies and presidencies of President Donald J. Trump." The bill states that Trump Derangement Syndrome "produces an inability to distinguish between legitimate policy differences and signs of psychic pathology in President Donald J. Trump's behavior."

The bill further says that TDS sufferers have "verbal expressions of intense hostility toward President Donald J. Trump" and exhibit "overt acts of aggression and violence against anyone supporting President Donald J. Trump or anything that symbolizes President Donald J. Trump."

State Senate Majority Leader Erin Murphy slammed the bill as "wasteful, frivolous and shameful," and said it was "possibly the worst bill in Minnesota history," according to a report from CBS News.

Looks like Eichorn should have been more concerned with his alleged proclivities for underage girls than with people who oppose Trump.

Ultimately, Eichorn is just the latest Trump supporter arrested or accused of sex crimes.

Last week, Robert Morris, a televangelist and former member of Trump’s evangelical advisory board, was indicted and charged with “five counts of lewd or indecent acts with a child stemming from incidents that date back to the 1980s,” according to a news release from Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond.

“In December 1982, Morris was a traveling evangelist visiting in Hominy with the family of the alleged victim, who was 12 at the time. The indictment alleges Morris’ sexual misconduct began that Christmas and continued over the next four years,” the news release states.

Trump’s Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was also accused of raping an adult woman, but he was confirmed as the head of the Pentagon in spite of those allegations.

There’s also former Republican Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida, Trump’s failed attorney general pick whose nomination went up in flames amid uproar over Gaetz’s alleged sexual exploits with underage girls. Trump is reportedly upset that he didn’t fight to get Gaetz confirmed, and reportedly said he believed Republican senators would have looked past Gaetz’s sexual deviancy had his nomination moved forward.

And Trump himself has been accused of sexual assault by dozens of women and was found liable for sexually abusing former advice columnist E. Jean Carroll.

MAGA attracts some real creeps.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

This Time, Bring Popcorn As We Wait For Trump To Implode

This Time, Bring Popcorn As We Wait For Trump To Implode

When Donald Trump took over the White House back in January 2017, an appalled opposition started a movement called "the resistance." Its purpose was to stop Trump's worst excesses. Some may recall the massive Women's Marches and other anti-Trump demonstrations.

This time, past resisters are saying they are exhausted. Efforts to revive the women's protests have pretty much fizzled. But does that mean the opposition has gone into hiding? Has it decided to not care what MAGA outrages await the country?

Hardly. The resistance has taken to their recliners with bags of popcorn. They expect grand opera as an administration run by billionaires for billionaires rolls over the working folk who put Trump in office. While Trump distracts the public with threats against Canada, he has Elon Musk and company plumbing the budget for over $2 trillion that can be chopped.

The few places not off-limits to cutting tend to be the health and other programs that benefit average Americans. How else could the incoming oligarchy cover an extension of tax cuts for their people?

Other economically crazy proposals — widespread tariffs and new tax cuts — seem set to explode deficits and supercharge inflation. Many of the former resisters, now somewhat relieved to be a passive audience, are not entirely displeased by what they believe will befall the MAGA rubes. There's already a lot of uncharitable told-you-so in their social media posts.

The reaction to Trump's reelection was humorously summed up by fashion designer Isaac Mizrahi. "At first, I was saying, 'Darlings, you know, meet me on Lexington Avenue with your muskets,'" he told the Daily Beast. But also, "How long can the chaos they sow last before it implodes?"

Until then, Trump is having a good time at his base's expense. He talked a big game about squeezing tight the flow of immigrants taking Americans' jobs. After the election, however, he expressed his enthusiasm for the controversial H-1B visas. The H-1B program recruits foreign tech workers who are smart but also paid less. An outsourcing industry already provides Silicon Valley with these less-expensive tech workers.

But an analysis by the Economic Policy Institute puts into doubt that there is a shortage of American tech workers. The 30 companies hiring the most H-1B workers took on 34,000 new H-1B employees in 2022 but laid off at least 85,000 workers that year and early in 2023.

To lower expectations for a Trumpian economic miracle, the president-elect now complains that he's about to inherit a weak economy. It happens that Joe Biden is leaving office with another boffo jobs report. Biden created 693,000 factory jobs versus Trump's 425,000 before Covid hit. Inflation for groceries, a chief gripe, is now less than 1.6 percent. Incomes after inflation are higher than when Trump left the White House.

After candidate Trump promised to bring prices down, post-election Trump told Time magazine, gee whiz, "that's hard to do." By the way, the price of eggs is again going up largely for the same reason it rose two years ago, the bird flu.

Then there's the hokum of financial deregulation as the magic wand that will make all America richer. It would certainly make Wall Street richer for a time. In 2001, George W. Bush inherited a strong economy, complete with a balanced budget, from Bill Clinton. He then pushed sloppy deregulation that turned a housing bubble into a mortgage debacle and sent much of America into financial collapse.

Trump seems ready to follow suit. He talks of deregulating cryptocurrencies. (His son Don Jr. runs a crypto business.) Many economists say crypto is already a dangerous bubble. Take cover.

And so where has the resistance gone? It's gone to the show and the attendees are packing popcorn, not muskets.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

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