The National  Memo Logo

Smart. Sharp. Funny. Fearless.

Monday, December 09, 2019 {{ new Date().getDay() }}

One of the things that Richard Florida’s breakdown of abortion rates nationwide revealed was the extent to which the high and low numbers corresponded to Democratic and Republican states, respectively. Another, less obvious difference, was the degree of access to abortion services. Approximately 87% of U.S. counties lacked any abortion providers, according to a 2011 study. Meaning that in order to get an abortion, 24% of women have to travel “50 miles or more to find a capable physician,” according to a 2005 study in the Annual Review of Public Health.”

Some interesting correlations arise when abortion rates are paired with cultural, economic, and demographic factors. For instance, conservatives often cite how destructive abortions are to the family unit, and how facilitating these services would have dire consequences. In fact, the data shows that abortion rates are negatively correlated with divorce rates (around -.30), meaning that the higher abortion rates are in a state, the less likely people are to get divorced. The same association holds true for serial marriages, where the correlation ranges between (-.43 and -.49).

When comparing abortion rates against socio-economic elements, the data confirms some intuitive assumptions; for example, the wealthier a person or a state is, the higher the incidence of abortion will be. These correlations range between .53 and .65. Naturally, greater wealth is associated with higher college graduating rates and a workforce employed in professional, technical, and creative work, who have easier access to abortion providers. Tellingly, “abortion rates are negatively associated with the share of the labor force in blue-collar working class jobs (with correlations ranging from -.36 to -.64).”

Florida concludes from the data that “while the issue of abortion is typically posed in political or moral terms, its geography reflects the stark reality of class in America.”

Advertising

Start your day with National Memo Newsletter

Know first.

The opinions that matter. Delivered to your inbox every morning

From left Ethan Crumbley and his parents Jennifer and James Crumbley

Mug shot photos from Oakland County via Dallas Express

After the 2012 massacre at an elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut, then-Rep. Mike Rogers, a Michigan Republican, evaded calls for banning weapons of war. But he had other ideas. The "more realistic discussion," Rogers said, is "how do we target people with mental illness who use firearms?"

Tightening the gun laws would seem a lot easier and less intrusive than psychoanalyzing everyone with access to a weapon. But to address Rogers' point following the recent mass murder at a suburban Detroit high school, the question might be, "How do we with target the adults who hand powerful firearms to children with mental illness?"

Keep reading... Show less

Gen. Charles Flynn

Reprinted with permission from DailyKos

A former D.C. National Guard official blasted the Pentagon inspector general’s report on the military’s response to the January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol and directly accused two top generals of lying about their role in the delays deploying the National Guard that day. Previously, the former commander of the D.C. National Guard—who now serves as the House sergeant-at-arms—had called for the retraction of the same inspector general’s report.

Keep reading... Show less
x
{{ post.roar_specific_data.api_data.analytics }}