Tag: bernie sanders
Does 'Democratic Socialism' Help Candidates To Win Elections? Numbers Say No

Does 'Democratic Socialism' Help Candidates To Win Elections? Numbers Say No

Democratic socialism appears to be ascendant in the Democratic Party, but when it comes to winning elections, is that a good thing?

There is perhaps no more fraught intraparty discussion at the moment. Democratic socialists have notched some impressive primary victories, dethroning an incumbent or two along the way. But most of these have been in dark blue areas, like New York City, or in states like Florida, where Angie Nixon, a democratic socialist who won a Democratic Senate primary this past Tuesday, has very little chance of being elected in November.

In other words, democratic socialists’ victories have typically been in primaries that are not expected to lead to a competitive general election. In contrast, the movement’s most visible recent loss—Francesca Hong in Wisconsin’s Democratic gubernatorial primary—came in a swing state that will be competitive.

In high-stakes races, Democratic primary voters seem aware of jeopardy posed by the public’s largely negative view of socialism. Across 13 polls conducted by YouGov since 2015, the share of Americans who have a favorable view of socialism has never risen above 33 percent. Across every survey, more Americans have held a negative view of it than a positive one.

Americans Generally Don't Like Socialism

As a result, 45 percent of Americans say they would never vote for a self-identified socialist, according to a new YouGov survey. That includes 42 percent of independents and 11 percent of Americans who plan to vote for a Democratic House candidate this year. (For what it’s worth, the numbers don’t change much if pollsters ask about a “democratic socialist” candidate or a “socialist” one.)

Of course, Republicans indiscriminately brand even moderate Democrats as socialists. But does a political candidate embracing the term defuse that line of attack—Yeah, I’m a socialist, so what?—or does it hurt them to pick up a label much of the electorate deems toxic?

Chart by Andrew Mangan, created with DatawrapperSource: YouGov

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The thing is, Americans aren’t always aware a politician is a socialist—even when they call themselves one. Relatively small majorities of Americans correctly identify Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders (61 percent), New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani (54 percent), and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (51 percent) as democratic socialists, per the new YouGov poll. And roughly a third incorrectly deem former Vice President Kamala Harris (37 percent) and former President Barack Obama (34 percent) to be socialists.

We shouldn’t take too much away from any one race, but Hong’s surprising loss in Wisconsin suggests the “democratic socialist” label weighed her down more than lifted her up. Democratic voters there were indeed worried that a socialist nominee—especially one with deeply unpopular views on Thanksgiving and the police—would help Republicans win the governor’s mansion this fall.

Likewise, William Lawrence, the Democratic nominee in Michigan’s Seventh District, left the Democratic Socialists of America days ahead of his August 4 primary, clearly aware that the affiliation would not help him in a district that President Donald Trump won by one percentage point in 2024. As Lawerence told CNN after winning the primary, he let his membership lapse “because I want to make clear my constituents that I’m here to represent them.”

Clearly, the label poses some jeopardy to the party in competitive races. And in this way, it’s possible that the rise of democratic socialists may slightly worsen the public’s already negative view of the Democratic Party, but there’s also reason to believe their ascendence doesn’t hurt other, non-socialist Democratic candidates all that much. A recent New York Times/Siena University poll found that while 53 percent of voters in battleground Senate races saw the national Democratic Party as “too far to the left,” only 35 percent saw the Democratic Senate candidate in their state the same way.

Of course, both shares might be smaller if democratic socialism were a lower-profile element of the Democratic Party. But that’s hard, if not impossible, to sort out at the moment.There is also a twist to all of this: Voters may be averse to self-branded socialists and “socialism” as a concept, but they often don’t feel the same way about socialist policies.

Sixty-five percent of Americans consider free universal healthcare to be a socialist policy, according to the new YouGov poll. And roughly the same share (64%) also support the concept of Medicare for All, per a recent YouGov/Economist poll.

The same is true for tuition-free college. Sixty-one percent of Americans see it as socialist—and yet 55% support the idea of the government covering the cost of tuition for all college students, according to a YouGov/Economist poll from earlier this summer.Other policies that Americans consider socialist also enjoy broad public support: 69% of Americans support providing more government subsidies for housing, 62% support rent control, and 68% support having publicly owned utility companies.

It seems that even when Americans peg a policy as socialist, that doesn’t stop them from wanting it.

The bigger question is, will the public eventually embrace socialist politicians like it’s embracing many of their policies? We may find out in two short years.

David Crowley

Are Mainstream Democrats Taking Back Their Party From The DSA Fringe?

You couldn't find a wackier candidate than Francesca Hong, the democratic socialist vying to become the governor of Wisconsin. She wanted to defund police and abolish ICE, topping it all off with a call to end Thanksgiving. Saturday Night Live couldn't have made her up.

Hong lost the Democratic primary but left behind some sobering thoughts. She finished second by only a hair and against a sterling Democrat with relevant experience. The winner, David Crowley, is the Milwaukee County Executive and an African American born into poverty.

Crowley will face off against Republican Rep. Tom Tiffany, a MAGA right-winger who voted against certifying the 2020 election. GOP-aligned groups spent heavily to promote Hong's candidacy in the primary for obvious reasons.

You know who put Crowley over the top? Rural Wisconsin voters.

Over in Michigan, Abdul El-Sayed, endorsed by the fringe-left leaders, beat Democratic Rep. Haley Stevens by a similar tiny margin. She did extraordinarily well in working-class areas in and around Detroit. El-Sayed flew to victory on the wings of college towns.

Could normal Democrats build an alliance between the urban working class and rural voters? That might become a more pressing requirement if El-Sayed loses to Republican Rep. Mike Rogers, which will probably happen. El-Sayed has burned bridges with many Jewish voters, a constituency Democrats have traditionally relied upon. He also has his inflammatory influencer friend, Hasan Piker — who said America deserved 9/11 — hanging around his neck.

Rogers is an establishment Republican who defended the 2020 election results that made Joe Biden president. He has since veered more toward MAGA and won Donald Trump's endorsement in the Republican Party.

But Trump undoubtedly figured that Rogers would have a better chance of victory in this swing state than a fire-breathing right-winger. And a Rogers win in November could keep majority control of the Senate in Republican hands.

Are we done with polls yet? Polls issued right before these primaries showed both Hong and El-Sayed beating their opponents by double digits. The photo-finish results suggest the pollsters know nothing. But belief in their "findings" can alter election outcomes.

A Marquette poll from March showed Crowley supported by only three percent of Democratic primary voters. He left the race, believing that Lt. Gov. Sara Rodriguez would be the stronger Democrat. He also didn't want to split the mainstream Democrats' votes. When Rodriguez later dropped out due to campaign finance accounting problems, Crowley jumped back in.

Looking forward to 2028, the Democratic National Committee has chosen South Carolina as the site of its first presidential primary. That makes some democratic socialists uncomfortable. In 2020, South Carolina played a major role in making Joe Biden the Democratic nominee over Bernie Sanders. In earlier contests in Iowa and New Hampshire, the generally white and college-educated electorate had sent Sanders toward the head of the pack.

Come South Carolina and the other southern Democratic primaries with their huge African American voting bloc, Biden shot ahead. It wasn't because the voters were "conservative," as Sanders grumbled. It's because they cared more about health coverage, racial fairness, and income inequality than the left's boutique issues: defunding police, transgender rights, and the obsession with identity politics. What did Latinx mean?

Mostly, it was the belief, a correct belief, that Biden could beat Trump, and Sanders could not. Black voters favored Biden over Sanders by four to one.

Moderate Democrats may be finally putting up effective resistance to the highly organized fringe left. Step one is reorganizing primaries to better reflect the preferences of the Democratic mainstream. Step two is getting Democratic normies out to vote. Step three is to build on issues regular people care about. They can do it.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Bernie Sanders

Socialist? Capitalist? Americans Live In A Mixed Economy, Without Labels

Democratic Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed of Michigan keeps calling himself a capitalist. And the Democratic Socialists of America keep backing him to the eyeballs.

Why? Because the DSA understands that El-Sayed has to say that to win over even Democrats in a moderate state like Michigan. They firmly expect that once elected, he would do as they say, which happily conforms with what he truly believes.

Confusing? Yes, on purpose. But let's move beyond this war of labels. Let's stop using socialist and capitalist as either compliments or denunciations.

The United States has a mixed economy, as do most modern countries. It has an economic system in which both the government and the private sector control resources. The American government runs public education, Medicare, and the U.S. Postal Service, to name a few programs. They are all taxpayer supported.

Why does a stamp on a letter going from a remote farmhouse in North Dakota to Chicago cost the same as a stamp on a letter sent from one Chicago apartment to another three blocks away? In a purely capitalist system, the stamp's price would have reflected the difference in cost of delivery. The North Dakotan would have had to pay for this service, a lot more. But U.S. law mandates "universal service," which keeps the cost of a stamp fixed. Thus, dense cities subsidize mail delivery in rural areas.

Private companies, such as UPS and FedEx, charge vastly higher prices for delivery to remote places. Note that President Donald Trump has supported selling off the USPS to a private company.

Franklin D. Roosevelt pushed through the Social Security Act of 1935 as part of his New Deal program. America was in the jaws of Great Depression, and FDR used the power of the federal government to create jobs, stabilize the financial system and keep the destitute elderly alive.

New York's Democratic Socialist mayor, Zohran Mamdani, says he's another FDR. But FDR said, "No one in the United States believes more firmly than I in the system of private business, private property and private profit."

Roosevelt's new government programs were intended to save the capitalist-market system from collapsing, not, to use Mamdani's words, "replace the frigidity of rugged individualism with the warmth of collectivism." Where are the heroic peasants of the Soviet agitprop films waving banners?

Socialist Bernie Sanders heralds Sweden as the socialist model, citing its free health care, free college, and so forth. He also says, "I don't think billionaires should exist."

Sanders may not be up to date on Sweden's economy. It is highly capitalist with more billionaires per capita than the United States. The social programs he admires are supported by taxes.

Sweden, meanwhile, has been tightening the rules for receiving government benefits. For example, it's been cutting benefits to those not working. It has also adopted a hyper-restrictive immigration policy. In addition to the shock of a massive influx of people from very different cultures, Swedes rebelled at the impoverished newcomers' claims on its social programs.

The number of migrants entering Sweden was down to 12,000 last year from 117,000 in 2016. And the country is trying to get people already there with residency permits to leave.

What do the "abolish-ICE" Democratic Socialists think of that?

As conservative economist Milton Friedman famously put it, "It's just obvious you can't have free immigration and a welfare state."

Here's how it works: Our capitalist-market system generates a huge amount of wealth that can be taxed to pay for social and other programs. A balance must be found between encouraging wealth creation and crafting a tax code able to raise money for desired public needs. That's a lot harder than throwing around dated labels.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Why The 'Democratic Socialists' Have Repelled So Many Black And Latino Voters

Why The 'Democratic Socialists' Have Repelled So Many Black And Latino Voters

The Democratic Socialists of America use people of color as fashion accessories. Sure, they put black or brown faces on ballots, and they talk a big game about racism. But black and brown voters are not choosing their candidates. The DSA national membership chooses, and it is 85% white.

Look at the crowds. In October 2019, Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders staged a rally at the Queensbridge housing project, across from Manhattan. Its residents are 47% black, 34% Latino and 10% Asian. News photos showed a nearly unbroken sea of white enthusiasts.

The head of the Queensbridge Resident Association called the organizers "disrespectful." They didn't even bother to place flyers in the buildings.

During the 2020 presidential race, Bernie Sanders rode high in the early Democratic primaries, where voters are mainly comfy whites. But when the primaries moved south, where Democratic voters are overwhelmingly black, he got creamed. In South Carolina, he lost to Joe Biden by 29 percentage points.

Asked to respond to that massive comeuppance, Sanders waved off the importance of those black voters. They were "conservative," he said. "But you know what? We're out of the Deep South now. And we're moving up."

That rankled several prominent black officials. "I was very concerned with that comment," said New York Rep. Hakeem Jeffries. "Black voters in the South are not very conservative" and "essentially dismissing the South was a slight at African American voters."

A recent poll in the Michigan Democratic Senate primary has 67 percent of blacks supporting the white candidate, Rep. Haley Stevens. Only 21 percent back the DSA's Abdul El-Sayed. A prominent El-Sayed supporter, William Lawrence, is on record denouncing black political leaders as a "pillar" of the "capitalist, imperialist" American establishment. Their support of the Democratic leadership, Lawrence said, "defangs the white left."

He really said that.

Sanders has a spotty history on race. He had joined the white flight out of New York City in the 1960s, when a new generation of black activists didn't care to take orders from white liberals. Sanders repaired to Burlington, Vermont, then less than one percent black. There he built a white-dominated socialist movement, using people of color as window dressing from the very start.

In his 2020 presidential campaign, Sanders' chief black intellectual, Cornel West, called Barack Obama a "Rockefeller Republican in blackface." (Also, a "war criminal.")

New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani has followed the playbook. He has an odd character named Gustavo Gordillo defending his city-run grocery stores. Co-chair of DSA's New York chapter, Gordillo is an immigrant from Peru who studied "radical Latin American cinema" in college. He tried to move up in the art world, but after apparently not succeeding, decided to try his hand as a DSA celebrity.

Gordillo is now on TV "explaining" Mamdani's plan for government groceries, one costing taxpayers an amazing $30 million. Asked whether it's OK for publicly owned stores to put nearby bodegas out of business, Gordillo chirped that if bringing down prices in the neighborhood "is enough to put someone out of business, then maybe they shouldn't have been in that business in the first place."

The bodega owners are largely Dominican, Yemeni or from other recent immigrant groups. Their little stores are entrepreneurial ventures that put families on the path of economic advancement. The owners work their tails off long into the night, often confronting criminals bent on everything from shameless shoplifting to armed robbery.

And now Gordillo is on TV arguing that bodega owners who can't compete with stores built with taxpayer dollars — and that don't have to pay rent or property taxes — are somehow deficient businesspeople.

None of the above is made up, I swear.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

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