If Republicans achieve veto-proof control in 38 states, they can do something that has never been done before—hold a constitutional convention, and then ratify new amendments that are put forth. They could outlaw the New Deal and its social democratic programs. And if they get crazy enough, they could end separation of church and state and undo other portions of the Bill of Rights.
Moore recently unleashed “The Michael Moore Easy-to-Follow 10-Point Plan to Stop Trump,” which contains Moore’s list of tactics for resisters all over the country to take on. Part of Moore’s plan is to take over the Democratic Party, which means to him getting Congressman Keith Ellison elected to head the DNC when it meets this Saturday, February 25.
The awkward confrontation between Democrats’ old guard and a rebellious set of young activists is an apt metaphor for the party’s current conundrum as it tries to respond to the populist angst rippling through America.
It is possible—and necessary—to loudly condemn the racism essential to Trump’s rise, the racism his voters articulated and countenanced, while simultaneously building a broad political movement that targets if not those very voters, then ones very much like them who stayed home on election day. However, doing so requires abandoning the most comforting liberal narratives about the right and its supporters.
The president’s tumultuous first four weeks in the White House — highlighted by the resignation of national security adviser Michael Flynn and renewed questions about the Trump campaign’s connections to the Russian government — have given Democrats an unexpected lift less than a month into the new White House.
Declining income brings with it a host of related social problems. As localities are starved for revenues, public safety and the sense of community deteriorate. The social fabric of decent living is imperiled. Extreme inequality fueled both the Sanders and the Trump revolts. While Sanders offered concrete plans to reverse it, Trump and the Republicans are sure to make it worse.
The race for Democratic National Committee chair is not just about who has the glamour and skills to turn around a party that spent more than $1 billion last year, lost more than 1,000 statewide and congressional seats during Obama’s presidency, and has the least power in 75 years. It’s about how that turnaround will be done.
The fight over the future of the Democratic Party has been decided in the streets. The swelling crowds at women’s marches and the chanting airport cadres protesting President Donald Trump’s new immigration plan have finally pushed the party to the left after years of mincing steps in that direction.
Author and Harvard government professor Theda Skocpol argues that the Democratic Party is our best — and possibly only — hope to combat the “strong possibility of a long-term authoritarian right turn in US politics.”
Many Democrats hope the massive demonstrations against Donald Trump will evolve into a Democratic tea party. Sloppy rollouts of incoherent policy dressed in malevolence can rile people up. But Democrats must first understand what made the tea party powerful. Its great success came not from the members’ anger, but from the ability to turn that anger into a show of force on Election Day.
Today’s corporate media bears little resemblance to our Founders’ notion of a free press – which they argued was necessary to a functioning democratic republic. Between Reagan and Trump, the media has gone from literally over 10,000 owners all across the nation to a mere dozen or so. And, public companies all, their interest is not in having an informed public, but in making the most money they can.
Bernie Sanders is coming around again, rallying Americans against repeal of the Affordable Care Act, intervening in the contest for a new DNC chair, and — as Danziger observes — riding that political carousel.
While Republicans for the most part used their allotted five-minute questioning periods to praise DeVos or ask questions that didn’t challenge the nominee, Democrats tried to portray her as both inexperienced and inflexibly ideological. In one devastating exchange, Murphy forced DeVos to admit that she would, in theory, support guns in schools.
Data from Pew Research studies and Gallup polls conclusively demonstrate that Americans, in their deepest political/social beliefs, are thoroughly liberal in most of their views and moderately liberal in the balance. They are not the “conservatives” described by the relentless propagandists of the right.
The fight to make the Democratic Party a more representative institution was not a fight around advertising but was directly connected to the demands of historically excluded groups to be included, not as window dressing but as central players. This entire history is being denied in the name of upholding some sort of supposedly pure fight for economic justice.
Sanders has been appointed by Chuck Schumer to be the new leader of outreach for the Senate Democrats. During the January 15 Day of Resistance, the Vermont senator is encouraging legislators to rally their constituents in their home districts, as opposed to marching on Washington.
While resistance is critically important, we will fail unless resistance is contained within a long-term strategy to reverse runaway inequality and upend neoliberalism. If we don’t build an alternative movement, our defensive struggles could enhance Trump’s popularity rather than to diminish it.
To be sure, liberal “identity politics” has sometimes thwarted the open inquiry and expression that liberal education and democracy should defend, and it has sometimes diverted effective responses to the serious threats to freedom that are now upon us. Why not direct the next crusade against those creeping threats to our liberties?
As the Democratic Party struggles to understand what went wrong in an election, that same instinct leads Biden to offer a diagnosis and a prescription for what he sees as a more successful approach, one which pushes back, if ever-so-gently, against a powerful current in Democratic politics.
Reorienting the Democratic Party toward its millennial base is a long-term process, however, one that will require not only elevating younger voices but also rebuilding the Democrats’ thin bench, decimated by years of losses at the state level.
The gang-up on Clinton amounted to political torture, the likes of which will be remembered for generations. That makes Hillary Clinton the Martyr of the Year.
November 8 was a revolt by 58 percent of white voters that was spearheaded by a segment of the electorate that had been energized by the appeal of white nationalism and right-wing populism.
Donald Trump drew a rebuke from Bernie Sanders on Saturday, after turning his attention to another Indiana company planning a move to Mexico.