Data from Pew Research studies and Gallup polls conclusively demonstrate that Americans, in their deepest political/social beliefs, are thoroughly liberal in most of their views and moderately liberal in the balance. They are not the “conservatives” described by the relentless propagandists of the right.
The fight to make the Democratic Party a more representative institution was not a fight around advertising but was directly connected to the demands of historically excluded groups to be included, not as window dressing but as central players. This entire history is being denied in the name of upholding some sort of supposedly pure fight for economic justice.
Sanders has been appointed by Chuck Schumer to be the new leader of outreach for the Senate Democrats. During the January 15 Day of Resistance, the Vermont senator is encouraging legislators to rally their constituents in their home districts, as opposed to marching on Washington.
While resistance is critically important, we will fail unless resistance is contained within a long-term strategy to reverse runaway inequality and upend neoliberalism. If we don’t build an alternative movement, our defensive struggles could enhance Trump’s popularity rather than to diminish it.
To be sure, liberal “identity politics” has sometimes thwarted the open inquiry and expression that liberal education and democracy should defend, and it has sometimes diverted effective responses to the serious threats to freedom that are now upon us. Why not direct the next crusade against those creeping threats to our liberties?
As the Democratic Party struggles to understand what went wrong in an election, that same instinct leads Biden to offer a diagnosis and a prescription for what he sees as a more successful approach, one which pushes back, if ever-so-gently, against a powerful current in Democratic politics.
Reorienting the Democratic Party toward its millennial base is a long-term process, however, one that will require not only elevating younger voices but also rebuilding the Democrats’ thin bench, decimated by years of losses at the state level.
The gang-up on Clinton amounted to political torture, the likes of which will be remembered for generations. That makes Hillary Clinton the Martyr of the Year.
November 8 was a revolt by 58 percent of white voters that was spearheaded by a segment of the electorate that had been energized by the appeal of white nationalism and right-wing populism.
Donald Trump drew a rebuke from Bernie Sanders on Saturday, after turning his attention to another Indiana company planning a move to Mexico.
The stage is set for an epic struggle between Trump’s right wing populism and a Sanders-style social democracy. Which one will resonate with the people?
“Trump has endangered the jobs of workers who were previously safe in the United States. Why? Because he has signaled to every corporation in America that they can threaten to offshore jobs in exchange for business-friendly tax benefits and incentives,” Sanders wrote in the Washington Post.
It’s widely agreed that the party was unable to find a vigorous, meaningful way of telling working-class voters it understood their concerns. Now the Democrats face a daunting challenge of crafting, let alone communicating, an economic message.
Sanders said he would soon introduce legislation that would prevent companies that outsource from receiving federal contracts, grants and loans, and force companies that outsource jobs to pay a penalty tax and pay back tax breaks.
The problem this election season has been that liberal Democrats—just like too many Republicans—have been consumed by provably false conspiracy theories. In other words, just like the conservatives they belittle, they have been inside a media bubble that blocked them from reality.
I doubt I’ll ever forgive myself for the mistakes I’ve made, but — like you — now all I can do is fight back against Trump. Here is what I think we need to do next.
Whatever happened to the clever retort? Whatever happened to the smart rejoinder? Perhaps we lost our ability to laugh during the recent campaign because we didn’t find ourselves to be funny. One of the nominees was a dangerously crazy man. Scarier than Trump himself was that so many Americans found him acceptable.
Carrying the satire of medical advertising and millennial angst to an inevitable conclusion, this upbeat message warns starkly of the potential side effects of a “protest vote.”
On HBO, Maher laments the political ignorance of American voters (and singles out millennials, hilariously) who refuse to choose between the “evils” of Trump and Clinton.
Chomsky initially favored Bernie Sanders over Clinton, but insisted Democrats must win at all costs. Because if Trump wins “the human species is in very deep trouble.”
Sanders urged his supporters not to see a Clinton presidency as an end to the political revolution. “The day after the election, we don’t sit back and say, well, Clinton is president,” Sanders said. He insisted the next step is to “mobilize our people” and make sure the government “moves forward with an agenda that helps transform this country.”
Why Hillary Clinton insisted on keeping her brilliant Wall Street speeches secret will remain an enduring mystery of this campaign. Heck, why didn’t she just post them on her website?
For the Trump campaign there are a handful of states the Republican candidate must win if he is to cobble together enough states to win the White House. Among them is Florida, but numerous recent visits to the Sunshine State by Trump and his vice-presidential running mate Mike Pence did little to dent Clinton’s advantage.
“Get your uncles, your aunts, get your friends to vote for Hillary Clinton,” said Bernie Sanders at a rally with her in New Hampshire.