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Cuomo Could Order Criminal Prosecution Of Trump Foundation

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Cuomo Could Order Criminal Prosecution Of Trump Foundation

Trump's children to run blind trust and transition team

Reprinted with permission from DCReport.


The civil lawsuit filed against Donald Trump, three of his children and the Trump Foundation has brought to light a major shortcoming in New York state law that enables criminal fraud conducted through private foundations to escape state prosecution.

Manhattan is a major center of private foundations.

Under New York state law the attorney general lacks fundamental legal authority to bring criminal cases. Indictments can be sought only after another state agency makes a referral to the state attorney general. The state charities bureau could make such referrals, but because it is under the attorney general no indictments could be brought.
The state civil lawsuit alleges years “of illegal conduct by the Foundation and its board members includes improper and extensive political activity, repeated and willful self-dealing transactions, and failure to follow basic fiduciary obligations or to implement even elementary corporate formalities required by law.”

Trump used $258,000 of charity money to settle lawsuits, a clear violation of the law. There’s the $12,000 of charity money Trump spent to buy himself a signed Tim Tebow football helmet, a story The Washington Post broke in July 2016.

Barbara Underwood, the state attorney general, referred criminal matters to the Internal Revenue Service and the Federal Elections Commission.

The Trump Foundation case meets every federal standard for criminal prosecution. The behavior is significant in terms of dollars, it involved many actions over many years and was flagrant and multi-faceted with explanations that lack credibility. It also meets the Justice Department’s general deterrence standard, which includes bringing cases that will encourage broad compliance because they are high profile prosecutions.

“There’s almost no way for the state attorney general to bring a criminal case” over the private foundation fraud, said Sean Delany, executive director of the Lawyers Alliance for New York, which serves nonprofits. Delany is a former head of the State Charities Bureau.

Because that bureau is part of the state attorney general’s office, that means when it finds evidence of criminal fraud those findings would not allow the attorney general to bring criminal charges.

Under current New York law, even if the New York city police uncovered the fraud, a prosecution for violating state law could only be initiated by Cyrus Vance Jr., the local district attorney in Manhattan, who has shown a deep aversion to pursuing anything involving Trump.

Private foundation fraud is likely to go undetected because tax audits of private foundations are rare. This creates a low-risk opportunity for people like Trump to use charitable funds for personal benefit, which is a crime as well as a civil offense.

Contrast this with the audit of the Clinton foundations, which raised money from despots and billionaires and used it for work that has saved at least 11 million lives.

Auditors typically sample records, but in the Clinton foundations audit every single check, in and out, was reviewed along with the supporting documentation. The audit report turned up nothing amiss, only the kind of minor discrepancies anyone will find in their check register.

The last time Congress looked deeply into private foundation abuse, in the late 1960s, it found extensive fraud including thousands of foundations into which wealthy people made tax-deductible gifts and then traded scholarships among each other’s children.

The investigations by Wright Patman, a populist Texas Democrat, resulted in major reforms of foundation law. It also spurred foundations eager to protect their reputations to fund the National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, which exists to watchdog philanthropies, a subject I’ve written about for four decades.

Trump tweeted that he would fight what he called “this ridiculous case.” It was a typical Trumpian response, ignoring established facts and attacking law enforcement.

In this case, Trump has little to fear in terms of prosecution at the federal level. Only about 1,600 criminal tax cases are filed each year, most of them connected to drug trafficking and officials who took bribes. That’s roughly one prosecution for every 96,000 individual and corporate tax returns.

Further, Trump claims the power to stop any Justice Department investigation or criminal case, even though the Justice Department has previously prosecuted people for far less egregious conduct, said Marcus Owens, former head of the IRS tax-exempt organizations division.

And, of course, if Trump were worried about prosecution at the federal level he claims that our Constitution gives him the power to pardon himself.

David Cay Johnston

David Cay Johnston won a 2001 Pulitzer Prize for his coverage of taxes in The New York Times. The Washington Monthly calls him “one of America’s most important journalists” and the Portland Oregonian says is work is the equal of the great muckrakers Ida Tarbell, Lincoln Steffens and Upton Sinclair.

At 19 he became a staff writer at the San Jose Mercury and then reported for the Detroit Free Press, Los Angeles Times, The Philadelphia Inquirer and from 1995 to 2008 The New York Times.

Johnston is in his eighth year teaching the tax, property and regulatory law at Syracuse University College of Law and Whitman School of Management.

He also writes for USA Today, Newsweek and Tax Analysts.

Johnston is the immediate past president of the 5,700-member Investigative Reporters & Editors (IRE) and is board president of the nonprofit Investigative Post in Buffalo.

His latest book Divided: The Perils of Our Growing Inequality an anthology he edited. He also wrote a trilogy on hidden aspects of the American economy -- Perfectly Legal, Free Lunch, and The Fine Print – and a casino industry exposé, Temples of Chance.

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