Tag: democratic party
'New York Times' Has Done Too Much For Trump And GOP -- But Still Never Enough

'New York Times' Has Done Too Much For Trump And GOP -- But Still Never Enough

Following months of mainstream media capitulation toward President Donald Trump and his administration, Trump filed a $15 billion lawsuit on Monday night against The New York Times.

In his suit, which absurdly cites his Electoral College victory and his status as a bestselling “author,” Trump accuses the Times of “smears” by accurately reporting on his statements and actions.

“The Times is a full throated mouthpiece of the Democrat Party,” Trump falsely alleges. The statement ignores decades of the Times furthering right-wing propaganda and elevating attacks on the Democratic Party and the left.

In a statement the Times said Trump’s suit “has no merit” and “is an attempt to stifle and discourage independent reporting.”

Trump’s suit against the Times shows that even when the paper bends over backward for him, he will still be resentful of accurate reporting. Since he was sworn in for a second term, there have been several instances of obsequious and downright false reporting from the Times in Trump’s favor.

The paper referred to the current era as “the age of Trump” in June, a month after taking his claim—which went against his entire history as a political figure—that he would pull back support for tax increases on the wealthy as an honest statement.

In perhaps the most dishonest moment for the “paper of record” in Trump’s second term, the Times in February portrayed a Black voter supporting Trump as merely an “artificial intelligence start-up worker,” without informing readers that the supporter also happens to be the communications director for the Houston Young Republicans.

To be sure, the Times has reported accurately on numerous Trump scandals, corruption, and bigotry, but the paper’s coverage—led by star reporter Maggie Haberman—has been friendly to Trump and often regurgitated his falsehoods without calling him out. In her reporting on Trump, Haberman has shied away from noting to readers when he has clearly lied, such as this 2018 report that instead said Trump “repeatedly refused to accept a number of seemingly agreed-upon facts.” In a 2020 story, instead of directly addressing Trump’s racism, Haberman’s reporting mentioned that he was merely “stoking white fear and resentment.”

Trump’s suit is just the latest in a barrage of legal action against media outlets. He sued the Des Moines Register for conducting polls, he sued Facebook parent Meta for banning his account after he incited violence, and he is suing Fox owner Rupert Murdoch and the Wall Street Journal for reporting on his ties to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, among others.

Many of these outlets have settled with Trump, even after legal experts have made clear the suits lack merit and have been vehicles for extortion and bribery-style payments. CBS News’ parent Paramount is under investigation by congressional Democrats after the Trump administration approved a merger soon after Paramount decided to settle his suit. ABC News parent Disney also cut a big check to Trump over a specious claim.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

Can Democrats Come Back? They Already Are

Can Democrats Come Back? They Already Are

During a summer when the popularity of Donald Trump fell to abysmal lows — and strong disapproval of his presidency achieved record highs — those dire warnings were mostly brushed aside. What received far more intense and sustained attention were the awful numbers registered by the Democratic Party, with analysts bemoaning its "historically" weak condition.

The occasion for all the funereal commentary was the release in late July of a Wall Street Journal poll that any honest Democrat had to find alarming. According to that survey, 63 percent of voters said they hold an unfavorable opinion of the party, while only 33 percent said their view of the party is favorable, the lowest rating ever for Democrats in a Journal survey. The party's net unfavorable was 19 points worse than the Republican Party, an unprecedented gap.

Such troubling findings can't be dismissed or waved away, even though the Journal poll was much worse than recent polls by other media outlets, which showed a mere 10-point ratings advantage for Republicans. Before we start putting up black crepe around the Democratic headquarters and drafting documents of surrender, however, there are some numbers that deserve our attention as well. For although the Democrats currently languish under a burden of public disfavor, those sour feelings may have almost no impact on their ability to defeat Republicans and achieve power again.

How can that possibly be? The real question in upcoming elections is not whether voters like the Democratic brand (or the GOP brand) but rather which party's candidate they will choose when marking their ballots. So far this year, despite the bad branding suffered by Democrats, the party is overperforming in dozens of special elections across the country and appears almost certain to win the two major statewide elections this November in New Jersey and Virginia. Polls in Virginia have showed Democratic gubernatorial nominee Abigail Spanberger beating her Republican opponent by double digits, and her New Jersey counterpart Mikie Sherrill is ahead of the Republican by nearly as much in some polls.

Special elections are not necessarily predictive of a general election outcome, as we learned last year. Yet the results in many races this year have been startling, dating back to Wisconsin's state supreme court contest last April, when Elon Musk and right-wing organizations spent nearly $40 million to defeat liberal Democrat Susan Crawford. The Tesla zillionaire made news not only with his brazen attempt to buy the election but by declaring its outcome decisive "for the future of Western civilization."

All that money and publicity drove unusually high turnout for an off-year judicial election — which Crawford won by 10 points, a landslide humiliation for Musk and a repudiation for the Republican far right (including Trump).

The trend kicked off by Crawford's victory continued across the country over the ensuing months, including races and places considerably less hospitable to Democrats than the purplish Badger State. In Iowa, for instance, the Democrats have picked up not one but two state senate seats in specials this year — the first in January, when Democrat Mike Zimmer won in a district that Trump had carried by 20 points only two months earlier, and the second in June, when Democrat Catelin Drey won by 11 points in a district that Trump took by an equal margin last fall — a turnaround of 22 points in less than a year.

Such encouraging results for Democrats have been commonplace across the country in 2025. According to The Downballot, a website that compiles and analyzes election results across all nonpresidential races, Democratic candidates in 34 special elections this year have run about 16 points on average better than 2024 presidential nominee Kamala Harris in the same districts.

Does that mean Democrats will win next year's midterms? It is far too early to make any such happy prediction.

But even that grim Journal poll demands a deeper look before anyone descends into gloom. As pollster G. Elliot Morris, formerly of FiveThirtyEight, explains on his Substack, it is very possible for voters to say they disapprove of the Democratic Party — and then cast their votes for Democratic candidates. That same poll found Democrats ahead in the generic ballot for 2026, measuring which party voters plan to support in the midterm, by three percentage points.

"That's a six-point swing from their last poll in 2024," notes Morris, "and would be large enough for the Democrats to win somewhere around 230-235 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives." Depending on specific circumstances in the states, it might even mean a change in control of the U.S. Senate.

The negative atmosphere surrounding the Democratic Party and its public image arises from dissatisfaction and even anger among the voters in its own base, furious over the feckless leadership that led to the 2024 debacle and the hesitant response to Trump's first months in office. Their reaction is understandable and predictable after a national defeat — but their more recent victories are a signal of hope on the horizon.

Joe Conason is founder and editor-in-chief of The National Memo. He is also editor-at-large of Type Investigations, a nonprofit investigative reporting organization formerly known as The Investigative Fund. His latest book is The Longest Con: How Grifters, Swindlers and Frauds Hijacked American Conservatism (St. Martin's Press, 2024).

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

A Powerful Democratic Ally Steps Up To Fight Trump's Gerrymandering

A Powerful Democratic Ally Steps Up To Fight Trump's Gerrymandering

Former Attorney General Eric Holder, who leads the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, will join a call with House Democrats on Wednesday as the party plans a strategy to counter a wave of Republican-led redistricting efforts during mid-decade—an open attempt to secure the GOP’s narrow House majority before the 2026 midterms.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee is organizing the powwow, according to Punchbowl News.

Holder’s involvement is notable—it not only highlights how redistricting battles have dominated this summer’s political agenda but also suggests that Democrats are finally shifting to an offensive to push back against President Donald Trump’s efforts to draw rigged congressional maps in certain red states.

For years, Holder has supported nonpartisan reform, advocating for the establishment of independent commissions to take redistricting authority away from politicians. Now, however, with Republicans openly working to redraw congressional maps for maximum advantage, he and other Democrats are shelving reform talks and preparing for a fierce fight.

Thanks to Trump, GOP-controlled states are acting swiftly. Republicans are ready to push through new maps in Texas, Missouri, Ohio, and possibly Florida, with the Trump administration also urging Indiana to join in. Not every state with redistricting authority is willing, but pressure from Trump’s camp is evident.

Texas is the focal point. Statehouse Democrats are in their second week of hiding out across state lines to deny Republicans the quorum needed to pass their gerrymandered map. Trump has claimed he’s “entitled” to five more Texas seats, while Gov. Greg Abbott has suggested carving out as many as eight if Democrats continue to break quorum. As of Monday, the Texas House still lacked a quorum, with enough Democrats out of state to block Republicans from passing their gerrymandered congressional map.

Texas GOP Sen. John Cornyn, on Thursday, claimed state law enforcement is working with federal agents to locate the absent lawmakers. Abbott also threatened to keep calling special sessions until Republicans get their gerrymandered map—or something close. The reality is Abbott might lack the legal tools to force Democrats back to Austin, but the standoff has become a political rallying point for both sides.

Democrats, who have traditionally pushed for redistricting reform rather than partisan retaliation, argue that the Texas case is different.

“Authoritarian moves are being made ... and there has to be a response to that,” Holder warned on Sunday’s Meet the Press.

Maryland Rep. Jamie Raskin, the lead Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee, was more direct.

“I honestly don’t see any debate in the party over this,” he told Axios. “If [Republicans] are going to continue with the Texas chainsaw gerrymander, we have no choice but to fight fire with fire and use whatever legislative resources we have ... to fight back.”

He added, “Ultimately, we will fight fire with water. But nobody is on the side of unilateral disarmament ... we are not going to allow them to gerrymander us into oblivion.”

One of the Democrats’ strongest counterattacks could come from California, where they’d likely gain the most new seats. But doing so would require sidelining or eliminating the state’s independent redistricting commission—something party leaders have long resisted.

Holder’s background gives significance to the moment. As attorney general under President Obama from 2009 to 2015, he saw Republicans sweep state legislatures and leverage that power to redraw House districts in their favor. In 2017, he created the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, aiming to end partisan gerrymandering altogether. Now, with the stakes in 2026 clearer, Holder is signaling he’s willing to play by the rules Republicans have established—at least temporarily.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

To Win, Democrats Must Offer Pragmatic And Progressive Governance

To Win, Democrats Must Offer Pragmatic And Progressive Governance

The Democratic Party's low approval ratings have sent a stern message to its members. But what is it? Is it a failure to loudly fight an unpopular president on every matter? Is it anger over the party's previous obsession with boutique causes — transgender rights, for instance — while downplaying broad economic concerns? Or is it the lack of an alternative vision in the form of nuts-and-bolts legislating that contrasts with Trump's toxic conflict? How on earth did Democrats lose the working class to the party that's slashing its health benefits?

My vote goes to the last theory. Rather than rely on a mirror image of MAGA extremism and push solutions for things voters don't much care about, Democrats should offer a calm vision of stability.

There was a reason "No Drama Obama" got elected president twice despite having "Hussein" as a middle name. The fringe left sulked over Bill Clinton's "triangulating" — that is, adopting parts of opposing platforms to appeal to a wider audience. But that's why Clinton won two terms and left office with higher approval ratings than the sainted Republican Ronald Reagan.

'Tis better to triangulate than lose nearly all power to the other party. Republicans control the presidency and both Houses of Congress. Democrats would most effectively "fight back" by choosing the right direction and tone.

The recent intraparty throat-grabbing over the bipartisan policing legislation provides a clear contrast. It started when Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey tore into fellow Democrats for supporting it. He hotly called them "complicit" with the Trump policy agenda.

"I say we stand, I say we fight," he bellowed. "I say we reject this. When will we stand and fight this president?"

Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto, a Nevada Democrat, fought back. The policing bills, though not perfect, do useful things, such as maintain mental health services for law enforcement officers. They promote recruiting police in the officers' home communities.

Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota joined Cortez Masto in supporting the package and in trying to stop Booker from hanging a soft-on-crime-sounding position around the party's neck. She further noted that Booker failed to show up at the committee meeting where he could have tried to modify the legislation. Only after it was on the full Senate floor did Booker take the stage to condemn it.

Booker responded angrily to the implication that he was a showboater. "Don't question my integrity," he shouted back.

It's a good guess that Booker plans to run for president in 2026. Toward that end, he's auditioning to become champion of the Democratic "resistance" toward Trump. One recalls his 25-hour tirade on the Senate floor as an impressive act of endurance. But things Democrats say to the far-left bleachers can come to haunt them in a general election. Just ask Kamala Harris.

Democrats wanting their party to take back power should promise relief to a public wearied by daily Trumpian chaos. Both Cortez Masto and Klobuchar represent purple states that determine the outcome of national elections. They must appeal to independents and others wary of radical politics from all sides. Booker's New Jersey is reliably Democrat.

Look at Roy Cooper for guidance. The Democrat is the popular former governor of nearly red North Carolina. Cooper is now running for a U.S. Senate seat and polling ahead of his likely Republican opponent.

Cooper championed Medicaid expansion, raised teacher pay and pushed for planting a million urban trees, an environmental policy that doesn't threaten anyone's livelihood.

It's not just Democrats. Polls also show strong disapproval of Trump. Voters don't need reasons to dislike him. What they need is a pragmatic governance and policies that don't scare them. That's what Democrats must offer.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

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