Tag: democratic party
Who's Afraid Of Graham Platner? Not Maine Voters Who Lifted Him To A Big Victory

Who's Afraid Of Graham Platner? Not Maine Voters Who Lifted Him To A Big Victory

Back in the fall of 2020, when I wasn’t phone banking for Joe Biden, I was making calls into Maine on behalf of Sara Gideon from my pandemically locked-down home in western Massachusetts. You probably don’t remember Sara Gideon, but she was speaker of the Maine House of Representatives. Elected in 2016, she was an effective counterweight to the governor, Tea Partier Paul LePage, until Janet Mills was elected in 2018. And in 2020 she decided to run against….Sen. Susan Collins!

The result was astonishing: Joe Biden won the state of Maine by nine points, and Collins won her race by almost nine points. In other words, Gideon ran 18 points behind a winning presidential candidate in her own party. It was ticket splitting on an epic scale—and something that was showing up in the phone banking. Maine Democrats (when you phone bank, you always call voters from the party you are working for) would unhesitatingly say they were voting for Biden, but when I asked about Gideon there would be a silence. Then, I would hear some version of: “Susan Collins is from Maine—and Sara Gideon isn’t.”

Which was true. Gideon was born and raised in Rhode Island, had only lived in Maine for 16 years, and was de facto unable, in the eyes of too many Maine voters, to represent their state’s true interests. It was more important to them that Susan Collins (who is, I have heard, also terrific at constituent services) was a lifetime citizen of Maine than it was that she was a Republican, or that she had voted to confirm an anti-choice associate justice of the Supreme Court who had been accused of sexual assault by at least three women.

This should teach you at least two things: Maine Democrats make up their own minds, they think of their state as more like a nation within a nation, and they are more than willing to put the kind of bad behavior that would sink, say, a New York politician, in context.

In other words, if journalists and Democrats from other states seem to fear Graham Platner—lifetime Mainer, a veteran with four tours in Iraq and Afghanistan under his belt, oysterman, and currently under fire for a variety of sins in his private life—as the candidate to oppose incumbent Republican Susan Collins, Maine voters don’t. Platner won that nomination yesterday with nearly three-fourths of the vote, an even wider margin than many polls had indicated.

For those of you who have not been following the story, the Platner controversy has mostly revolved around what we might normally categorize as free speech that is also, to many of us, repulsive. In October 2025, a team from Politico uncovered a series of deleted Reddit posts in which Platner had variously labeled himself a communist, declared that “an armed working class is a requirement for economic justice,” and mused about violently fighting fascists (by which, let’s be clear, he meant the Trump administration.) Then there was the Totenkopf (or “death’s head”) tattoo, commonly associated with Nazis, that he acquired in Croatia on leave from the Marines, and had to have covered up.

Now, there are women who have come forward to say that Platner, who has admitted to being treated for severe PTSD, was volatile and frightening when they were allegedly in an intimate relationship. According to Lyndsey Fifield, a Republican political operative who has spent her life working to bring MAGA to fruition, Platner was

“cavalierly contemptuous” of women, adding that his offensive online posts “reminded me of just how much he hated women.” In a 2016 diary entry, she described him as “the most toxic literally abusive man on earth who destroyed my life.”
In the article, Fifield alleged that Platner frequently grabbed her by the shoulders and once yanked her out of a taxi by her wrist. The article continued: “During one argument, she recalled, he twisted her arm behind her back, shoved her into a bedroom and held the door closed from the other side so she couldn’t get out, telling her to remain there until she was ‘calm’.”
The Times noted that Platner “strongly disputes” any claims of physical intimidation or altercations, and said it could not independently corroborate Fifield’s account of them.
Fifield further recalled that Platner would sharpen an axe while watching TV, and left an AR-15 lying around in his Washington apartment. She said he described women as “hatchet wounds”, a crude reference to female anatomy, and repeatedly asserted: “If anybody ever broke in here, I would rape them,” adding that this would not be in “a sexual way, not in a gay way”.
Fifield told the paper: “He was like, I would rape them to show them that I’m dominant.”
Fifield also cast doubt on Platner’s claim that he was unaware that his tattoo was a Nazi symbol until it became the center of controversy last year. “After all, she said, he had taught her the word for it years earlier, referring to it as ‘my Totenkopf’,” the Times reported.

OK, now you know everything. Everything, that is, except why Fyfeld—a well-paid professional woman who presumably had her own money lots of options, and works for a party that is chronically casually contemptuous of women and riddled with Nazis—stayed with Platner beyond that first scary incident, or after she saw the Nazi tattoo, referred to her vulva as a wound, and learned that he kept an ax in the apartment in case raping the intruders did not deter them sufficiently.

She stayed in that relationship for two years.

We have learned that he was serially unfaithful to his girlfriends, a real shocker, since almost a quarter of married men and a quarter of unmarried men, admit to infidelity, and we have a thrice-married President who hired a sex worker less than four months after his third wife gave birth.

Yet another accuser brings us the breathless information that she told Platner not to come over, but he got really drunk and came over anyway and yelled at her. Is this where we point out that the current Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth, has an ex-wife who hid in a closet when he was in drunken rages and gave her friends a “safe word” that she would use if she believed her life was in danger?

If we have lowered the bar on male violence to the Hegseth standard, or the Trump standard (convicted by a jury of sexual assault, and accused by his ex-wife of beating and raping her), or the Representative Corey Mills standard (dating two women while still married, becoming engaged to one of them, and engaging in sketchy international arms deals), Graham Platner should not be sending anyone, in either party, to the fainting couch.

I want to repeat, in case you rushed through that block quote: the Platner campaign “strongly disputes” that Platner attacked Fyfeld physically, and the campaign has not disputed a great many other things which, for some people, seem to fall under the category of being a “bad boyfriend.” Platner points to PTSD, and a massive amount of self-medicating, as the trigger for being a serial cheater, shit poster, and generally incoherent person for many years during and after his military service.

Honestly, this makes sense to me. If it doesn’t make sense to you, you have never known someone who came out of a theater of war broken by the experience and needing to be healed. Not every veteran does, but some do. That doesn’t make them bad, sick, or scary people—a caricature that I thought we had disposed of after the Vietnam war. But it is what military service can produce—that is, if you are not Vice President JD Vance and spent your tour abroad manning a fax machine in the Green Zone.

The storm that has descended on Platner is profoundly cynical, driven by paid Republican operatives who insinuate he is a John Rambo waiting to happen, and journalists unable to resist a juicy story about Democratic Party dysfunction. The Platner crisis is also a perfect example of prominent Democrats wanting to have their cake and eat it too. They claim to want candidates who are military veterans, regular guys with regular guy experiences, who will win over other regular working-class guys? Well maybe, just maybe, regular guy experiences aren’t very nice, particularly when they involve four tours of combat duty in unwinnable, horrendously violent wars fought for the benefit of Halliburton and Erik Prince.

I mean, aside from the well-documented fact that the military has very high rates of domestic violence, what do people exactly think goes on when someone who has dedicated his youth to being professionally violent has to deal with everyday strains and stresses?

But instead of having this conversation, or encouraging Platner to have it, too many Democrats have been playing the frantic short game. Up until Tuesday's primary, they were reminding us that Janet Mills is still on the ballot! Maybe, they hoped, she would prove more popular than she was when she dropped out! Or maybe Platner could just resign his candidacy to someone voters do not know and played no role in picking, because that worked so well in the 2020 presidential!

By contrast, Republican operatives have been playing the long game. They didn't care whether Platner won the primary, any more than they care about the Nazi thing, or the violence thing, or the infidelity/misogyny thing. Instead, they are betting that either he will win the primary, and that they can damage him enough that out of state donors who do care about those things will turn away from him; or that Janet Mills will replace him, and they can batter her with endless ads about how she wants your little girl to lose her swimming scholarship to a big, hairy man.

Do you think I am a bad feminist for not caring that a male Senate candidate who has treated women badly? In fact, I do care about women being treated badly, very much, but I am not sure how we got to the point where we had to believe all accusations made by all women in all circumstances. Remember former Biden aide Tara Reade? That’s right—the sexual assault accuser who now lives in Moscow as a guest of Vladimir Putin?

That said, it doesn’t matter whether I am, or am not, on board with Graham Platner, whether I am a good or a bad feminist. Why? Because I don’t live or vote in Maine and neither do you. Nor, for that matter, do any of the op-ed columnists for any of the national newspapers I read, live or vote in Maine. No one who votes in Maine cares whether we in the other 49 states think Graham Platner has the “character” to be a Senator.

Nor should they. It’s their election, and if we want Maine on board with winning back the Senate, let’s try respecting that and not derailing the candidate Maine Democrats prefer by an overwhelming margin..

Maybe I am a bad feminist for appreciating Platner's victory yesterday, but I don’t think so. I think I am a realistic feminist, one who would like to see transgender people not used as punching bags, women dying in hospital parking lots because they are losing a baby and some idiot hears a heartbeat, poor people getting their SNAP benefits back, medical research restarted, not having new evidence every day that Trump and his cronies are looting the government, or knowing that hard-working immigrants leave for work every day wondering if they will see their children that night.

These are my current feminist goals. All of them mean winning the Senate back: Susan Collins is vulnerable as hell, and the polling suggests that Graham Platner can beat her. If that means supporting a man with a difficult past, one that allegedly includes saying gross things about women and engaging in a peculiarly 21st century form of online marital infidelity?

I can handle it.

Claire Potter is a political historian who taught at the New School for Social Research. She is a contributing editor to Public Seminar and wrote the popular blog Tenured Radical from 2006 through 2015. Please consider subscribing to Political Junkie, her Substack newsletter.

Reprinted (and slightly updated) with permission from Political Junkie.

Why Do Americans Fear The Advent Of AI More Than People In Other Countries?

Why Do Americans Fear The Advent Of AI More Than People In Other Countries?

You can’t turn around without bumping into an opinion about AI and its risk to jobs. The tech magnates assure is it will replace unprecedentedly huge numbers of white-collar workers, predicting double-digit unemployment. The economists, myself included, point out that, at least thus far, there are only weak correlations at best between AI workplace penetration and weak hiring or higher-than-average unemployment.

For a summary of the lay of this land, you won’t do better than Ezra Klein’s latest oped summarizing the debate. Though I’ll summarize the argument, one I’ve made often up here, the point of this post is not to rehearse this part of the debate. It’s to noodle over why U.S. citizens are so much more negative about AI than those in other advanced economies.

AI and Jobs: Will This Time Be Different?

First, we should be clear that AI is the thing we say most about and know least about. With that caveat out of the way, allow me to add to the noise.

The underlying fact that should always guide one is this discussion is that productivity—output per hour, ergo a metric of technological progress in economic production1—trends up over time and so do jobs and hours worked. For all our technological gains, the unemployment rate, outside of recessions, tends to stay pretty low. (Yes, I’ve argued there’s often too much slack in the labor market, but I’m talking about unemployment at 5.5 percent instead of 3.5 percent, while the AI doomers are talking about massive joblessness.)

Thus, there must an intervening variable, which is demand. Technology replaces some functions in the workplace and introduces new ones.

Then there’s the complementary aspect of technology, i.e., the fact that AI makes incumbent workers more productive. Ezra and others are discussing this under the rubric of “Jevon’s Paradox,” the idea that when a resource becomes cheaper, we use more of it. Jevon, a British economist in the mid-1800’s, noted the paradox regarding the invention of the steam engine, which used half as much coal to generate the same amount of power as existing engines. Instead of demand for coal tanking, it soared, as did the UKs industrial production.

In the AI context, rather than being replaced, software engineers, e.g., can do a lot more with AI’s help. As Ezra points out, “Claude Code is a marvel, yet demand for software engineers is booming.”

I don’t want to get too far over these skis. This time might be different, and surely many workers will be displaced. More on that in a moment. But the point here is that I’d listen more closely to the economists on this one, at least so far.

AI Less Popular Than ICE!?

So why then, in a recent poll, is AI less popular than those masked ICE bandits?

For one, we mere humans are risk averse, and if someone tells us that there’s a technology coming that can replace us, of course we’re going to be fearful. That’s universal.

But I maintain that there’s a unique U.S. version of these worries. Part of this may stem from adoption differences:


But a bigger part, I stipulate, is trust in the gov’t to implement the necessary guardrails to give the workforce a better chance to exploit the Jevon-style workplace complementarities versus getting replaced.

In their tacking of international sentiment re AI, a Stanford University study reports:

The United States reported the lowest trust in its own government to regulate AI responsibly of any country surveyed, at 3i percent. The global average was 54 percent, with Southeast Asian countries leadding (Singapore 81 percent, Indonesia 76 percent).

Globally, the EU is trusted more than the United States or China to regulate AI effectively. Across 25 countries in Pew's 2025 survey, a median of 53 percent said they trust the EU, compared to 37 percent for the United States and 27 percent for China.

At least two factors combine to generate this result.

First, there’s more of a “what’s bad for Main Street is good for Wall Street” vibe over here. When CEOs on U.S. earnings calls talk about layoffs, their share prices go up. Though we’re probably getting closer to each other, there’s still less social solidarity here than in most other advanced economies.

Second, there’s much greater discomfort here with regulatory guardrails and safety nets. Research has shown that if people are confident that social policy will catch their fall if an entrepreneurial risk goes south, they’re more likely to take such risks. If you believe your gov’t is likely to shield you from most of the downsides from a new technology, you’re prone to be less worried about it. Relative to most other advanced economies, workers here operate without a net.

Third, AI firms have very deep pockets and have long been purchasing political protection against regulation or candidates who are tapping into the American public’s deep concerns about AI’s downside risks. No other advanced economy comes close to us in terms of buying political influence, which in this context, reasonably puts fear in the hearts of working Americans.

Fourth, as I’ve endlessly underscored up here, people are already deeply stressed about affordability. The fact that in too many cases, their paycheck isn’t covering their needs makes them a bit touchy re the prospect of losing that paycheck to an LLM.

Fifth, nobody can trust the grift operation known as the Trump administration to have their back on this. Even putting that freakshow Musk aside, Trump has literally had the tech bros in his office giving him gold. That does not bode well for any protections from their excesses.

Yet Another Opening for Democrats

You know my methods, Watson. Hope for the best, prepare for the worst. Ezra and the rest of us suggesting this time might not be so different might be wrong. Which means there’s a huge opening here for Democrats to present a robust AI insurance program that’s responsive to points 1-5 above. Yes, it should bolster existing safety net programs, like unemployment insurance, but while that’s essential for an interim job displacement, over the long term people want the dignity of a job, and even more so, they want their kids to have the opportunities to build successful careers.

This requires education and training programs that boost complementarity and dampen displacement probabilities. It means looking at wage insurance ideas and perhaps even job guarantees—public jobs programs—should extensive, lasting displacement actually occur. Keynes knows there’s a ton of work to do in this economy—I’m thinking health care, human services, child care, personal-touch stuff, not to mention music, literature, and other jobs—that no AI agent can realistically perform (don’t tell me AI writes great books—I’ve seen such work and it sucks).

This shouldn’t be hard, Democrats. Even if the historical odds suggest we should be okay, as greater demand will more than soak up the extra supply, Americans are justly concerned about the risks of AI to their and their children's livelihoods, risks which loom a lot larger here than in other economies.

The time is thus nigh to craft this policy agenda and to tell the people about it. Happy to help, but let’s get to it!1

(1. I’m thinking of total factor productivity, meaning output net of hours, capital investment, and other inputs, so what’s left is considered a proxy for tech gains in production.)

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.


Democrats, Be Warned: Trump Is Exploiting Your Weak Spots Again

Democrats, Be Warned: Trump Is Exploiting Your Weak Spots Again

Sure, the "No Kings" marches drew millions rightly protesting Donald Trump's assaults on our democratic institutions. But Democrats must dig deeper and ask how Trump could actually win another term after trying to overturn the 2020 election results with a violent attack on the Capitol. It wasn't as though most Americans adored him. Gallup's approval rating for Trump on election eve was a sad 46 percent.

Trump carried the 2024 vote by playing the Democrats on three issues that aggravate even moderate Americans. They are open borders, the demonization of law enforcement and racial, ethnic and other preferences embodied in the DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) movement being adopted by companies, schools, and government agencies.

Trump weaponized the most inflammatory statements coming from the fringe left. With the midterms on the horizon, he's doing it again with bait meant to provoke Democrats into taking radical positions.

It helped them little that in 2024, Joe Biden had, in fact, secured the border. But he waited until the end of his term after tolerating caravans of migrants surging into the U.S. The U.S.-Mexico border had just seen a record million migrant encounters in one year. The hesitancy left the strong impression that Biden acted only under political pressure.

On immigration, Trump seems intent on antagonizing Democrats with military-style spectacles of migrants being roughed up, including many who are fully documented. Gone was the sensible plan to deport those convicted of crimes and deal with otherwise law-abiding workers lacking papers in a more humane manner.

And so what did Democrats do? They voted to withhold funding for the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency until certain reforms were made. ICE enforces immigration law inside the U.S. Denying it the money to operate sounds a lot like "defunding the police," a slogan that cost Democrats seats in Congress and perhaps the presidency.

While Republicans are in power, the desired changes won't be made. But as long as Democrats cater to their radicals, they won't win enough races to take that power away. Meanwhile, Trump has shrewdly downshifted on the ICE excesses in the cities, letting them face from the news.

As for racial and ethnic preferences, Trump has crusaded against DEI. White males especially resent them, not without reason, and many others consider DEI incompatible with a merit-based democracy.

Biden went overboard on making race a basis for hires. His low point was announcing early on that his next Supreme Court nominee would be a black woman. When the time came, he named Ketanji Brown Jackson.

Thing is, Jackson was a superbly qualified candidate — magna cum laude from Harvard, clerkships for two federal judges and one supreme court justice, service on both a trial court and appellate court, plus experience in private practice. By announcing that his choice had to be a black woman, Biden excluded whites, Latinos, Asians and all men from a candidate pool in which Brown could well have prevailed on her own merits.

Trump goads the left's identity-mongers to double-down on racial arguments — and entertained the racist right — by demonizing individual blacks, notably individual black women.

Social media flame throwers will push Democrats to take positions hostile to moderate voters. Remember, partisans, their reward is getting attention. Your reward should be winning elections.

To recap: Trump would not have won in 2024 had Democrats not helped him. He exploited their refusal to secure the border earlier, fixation on identity (above all, that inexplicable obsession on transgender issues) and hostility toward law enforcement. That put Trump over the top despite a close popular vote and weak Democratic opponent.

Democrats, Trump knows your vulnerabilities. To survive the midterms he's already exploiting those weak spots-- without which, he's basically toast.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Hey! 'Liberal' Is No Longer A Four-Letter Word As Democrats Surge

Hey! 'Liberal' Is No Longer A Four-Letter Word As Democrats Surge

It’s a tale as old as politics itself: The party out of power gains support as frustration with the party in power mounts. Under an administration as chaotic, incompetent, and cruel as Trump’s, those dynamics are supercharged.

A major new Gallup survey finds dramatic gains for Democrats—and for the word “liberal,” a label that’s been demonized for decades.

The topline result is familiar: Americans who identify as “independent” continue to outnumber those who call themselves Democrats or Republicans. As has long been the case, though, that distinction is mostly meaningless. The number of true independents—people who don’t lean toward either party—is small (just 10%, according to Gallup), and they tend to be the least politically engaged.

Once Gallup asks those independents which party they lean toward, the story snaps into focus. Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents now outnumber Republicans and Republican-leaners by 5 percentage points, 47% to 42%. A year ago, Republicans held a narrow edge, 46% to 45%.

..


That alone is striking, but it still understates the scale of the shift.

As Gallup notes, Republicans held a 4-point advantage in party affiliation in the fourth quarter of 2024, during the final days of the presidential campaign and much of Trump’s transition. But that lead vanished in the first quarter of 2025. By the second quarter, Democrats had pulled ahead by 3 points. That advantage grew to 7 points in the third quarter and 8 points in the fourth.


Yup, Democrats are approaching a double-digit lead in party affiliation.

At the same time, something else important is happening. Despite the rise in people calling themselves independents, fewer Americans are identifying as “moderate.” Instead, more people are comfortable calling themselves liberal.

In 1996, at the low point for the label, just 16% of Americans identified as liberal. Today, that number stands at 28%. Meanwhile, the share of Americans identifying as conservative—generally stuck in the high 30s to low 40s for decades—has slipped to 35%.

Among self-identified Democrats, the shift is even more dramatic. A record 59% now identify as liberal. Republicans, for their part, have aggressively purged moderates from their coalition, with conservatives now dominating their party by a lopsided 77% to 20%.

Gallup’s conclusion is straightforward. Negative evaluations of a president’s performance tend to push a subset of voters—especially independents with weaker partisan attachments—toward the opposition party.

“This dynamic has led to frequent changes in the party power structure in Washington in recent federal election cycles, with the incumbent president’s party losing control of the presidency or one house of Congress in each of the past six presidential or midterm elections,” Gallup says.

As CNN data analyst Harry Enten notes, the Democratic advantage is even larger than during the massive blue wave of 2018:


It’s going to be amazing when we clean house this November.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Shop our Store

Headlines

Editor's Blog

Corona Virus

Trending

World