Tag: european union
Soft TACO: Whiny, Insulting, And Incoherent, Trump Retreats In Davos

Soft TACO: Whiny, Insulting, And Incoherent, Trump Retreats In Davos

Wall Street has a term for President Donald Trump’s habit of making loud threats and then backing down: TACO, short for “Trump Always Chickens Out.” And on Wednesday, he did just that.

After delivering a wildly incoherent speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Trump abruptly caved on his Greenland nonsense—along with the tariffs he threatened to impose on Europe for refusing to bend to his will.

“Based upon a very productive meeting that I have had with the Secretary General of NATO, Mark Rutte, we have formed the framework of a future deal with respect to Greenland and, in fact, the entire Arctic Region,” he wrote on Truth Social. “This solution, if consummated, will be a great one for the United States of America, and all NATO Nations. Based upon this understanding, I will not be imposing the Tariffs that were scheduled to go into effect on February 1st.”

Ah yes, a concept of a deal.

“Additional discussions are being held concerning The Golden Dome as it pertains to Greenland,” he added.

The thing is, the United States already has a deal with Denmark to host U.S. military bases, as well as an agreement covering Trump’s stupid Golden Dome missile shield—which will likely suffer the same fate as former President Ronald Reagan’s vaporware Star Wars missile shield.

In other words, Trump has once again backed down from threats on which he couldn’t follow through—but only after causing chaos, sowing turmoil, and further damaging relationships with our closest allies.

He then tried to declare victory for a “deal” that does not exist and—even if it did—would amount to little more than what’s already in place.

Saner heads may have prevailed this time, and there’s some relief in that. But only after Trump made a fool of himself and our nation on the world stage—which his propaganda mouthpiece tried to deny.

How many more of these self-inflicted wounds can this country take?

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Europe's Most Effective Response To Trump? Cancel US Patent Monopolies

Europe's Most Effective Response To Trump? Cancel US Patent Monopolies

Donald Trump does not appear to be backing down from his obsession with seizing a big chunk of real estate in the form of Greenland. He now is set on whacking American consumers with another big tax hike in the form of $75 billion in tariffs on imports from the European countries most vigorously defending the status quo with Greenland and Denmark.

To be clear, contrary to what you read in the newspaper, these tariffs are taxes on us, not the exporting country. That fact might be too complicated for Donald Trump and little children, but we are the ones who pay the tariff. Losing some of their export market is a negative for the countries targeted, but at this point everyone in the world understands that the United States is no longer a reliable market and has made plans to adjust this reality.

But Trump is not likely to stop with his tariffs. Just as he can’t acknowledge that he lost the 2020 election, by a big margin, he can’t accept that Greenland does not belong to him. He is a seriously demented man who has decided he wants Greenland and has to have it.

Europe is struggling to find a way to respond effectively. There are discussions of imposing tariffs on U.S. exports, which can inflict some pain on U.S. companies, but probably not enough to matter to Trump. And just as Trump’s tariffs hit U.S. consumers, European tariffs will make things less affordable for hard-pressed families.

There is a simple alternative that is likely to be more effective in getting attention here and would actually help Europe’s consumers. European countries can announce that they will no longer honor U.S. owned patents and copyrights.

That will very quickly get the attention of consumer product companies like Apple, which depends on thousands of patents for its iPhones and other products, and earns over a hundred billion annually. Similarly, software companies like Oracle (as in right-wing billionaire Larry Ellison) and Microsoft depend on patent and copyrights to make their leading shareholders incredibly rich. Entertainment outfits like Disney and Paramount (also owned by the Ellison clan) depend almost entirely on copyright monopolies as the basis for their billions of dollars in annual earnings.

Putting U.S. patents and copyrights on the line is a guaranteed attention grabber. The vast fortunes of the sleaze buckets who put Trump into the White House and back his attack on democracy in the United States and around the world will suddenly be thrown into question.

There is even precedent for going this route. In World War I, the United States stopped honoring German patents and instead instituted a system of compulsory licensing. Under this system, anyone could freely use a German patent for a small fee. European countries can go a similar route in response to a U.S. government that says it has no use for international law.

Not only will the patent/copyright route inflict far more pain on the big actors in Donald Trump’s America, in contrast to the tariff route, it will offer real gains for the people of Europe. Imagine everyone being able to get iPhones at less than half their current price, free or near free Microsoft software, and the latest Disney and Paramount productions at zero cost. This is genuinely a case where everyone can gain from free trade: eliminating patent and copyright monopolies.

This move also exposes the Big Lie of economic policy of the last half century. There has been a massive upward redistribution of income over this period. There is more the case in the United States than in Europe, but income has also shifted upward there as well. That has contributed to the rise of right-wing populism in Europe.

The Big Lie is that the upward redistribution was the natural workings of the market. The claim is that the course of technology and globalization just turned out to benefit the more educated segments of the population, and especially those at the very top.

That is a lie since there is nothing natural about the government-granted patent and copyright monopolies that play a huge role in this upward redistribution. Governments could have made these monopolies shorter and weaker rather than longer and stronger, or even relied more on other mechanisms to support innovation and creative work.

There were other ways in which government actions redistributed income upward, but that is a longer discussion that can be dealt with elsewhere. The key point is that European countries by opting to not respect U.S. patents and copyrights, have an incredibly powerful weapon to use against Donald Trump and his rich supporters. The time has come for them to go nuclear.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

Why Trump Is Driving Our Allies Closer And Closer To China

Why Trump Is Driving Our Allies Closer And Closer To China

In World War II, the United States allied with Stalin to defeat Hitler. No one had any illusions about Stalin being a great supporter of democracy. The reason for the alliance is that the Soviet Union had one of the most powerful militaries on the planet and the United States desperately needed its help to defeat Hitler and the other Axis powers.

The European Union, Canada, and every other country interested in preserving democracy in the age of Trump needs to think in the same way about allying with China. No one would mistake China for a being beacon of democracy, but it does have the largest economy in the world, and its manufacturing capacity, especially in the areas of clean energy and electric vehicles, can be a huge benefit to the rest of the world as it tries to break free of its reliance on the United States.

At this point, it should be apparent to anyone other than the rear-end kissers in Trump’s cabinet that being in any way dependent on Donald Trump is a route to disaster. Trump could not care less about even the mid-term future (he’s 79-years-old and in bad health), much less the longer-term future for the United States and the world. He wants to shake everyone down as much as he can for as long as he can.

That was the story of his “Liberation Day” tariffs. There was no coherence to the various tariff rates imposed on U.S. imports from different countries. He came up with a formula that made zero sense and used this as a starting point. Countries that were nice to him saw some reductions. Countries that Trump felt were being mean, like Brazil, India, and China, saw higher rates.

But the big problem with Trump was not the initial tariffs, it’s that he always wants more. He doesn’t like the tax on digital commerce that the EU has, so he is threatening more tariffs. He doesn’t like their value-added taxes, again more tariffs. And he wants them to join his crusade to wreck the planet by burning more fossil fuels and is threatening more tariffs for countries that won’t go along.

As long as the EU, Canada, and anyone else is prepared to give in to Trump’s demands, he will keep asking for more. In this context, the only strategy that makes any sense is for the rest of the world to integrate as quickly as possible, with the goal of reducing its dependence on the United States as much as possible.

Closer ties with China should feature front and center in this picture. China has cutting edge technology in many areas. The EU and other countries should look to take advantage of this technology, both in getting high quality and low-cost imports, and also by arranging for technology transfers.

The latter is something that would have to be negotiated, but China already has many arrangements with trading partners where it agrees to establish factories there in exchange for access to their markets. Surely the EU, Canada, and other major countries could negotiate the same sorts of deals that Thailand has formally with EVs, and countries like Mexico and Indonesia have informally.

This could lead to a situation where EU consumers could get access to a limited number of high quality Chinese EVs for around $10,000 a piece, while they develop their own production facilities to quickly supply their own markets with EVs. It should be possible to ramp up quickly so that EVs rapidly replace conventional internal combustion cars. EVs already account for more than half of new car sales in China. There is no reason the EU, Canada, and rest of the world, outside of the U.S., can’t do the same in a relatively short period of time.

There is a similar story with wind and solar energy. China’s installations of wind and solar are roughly equal to the rest of the world combined, and growing rapidly. And the cost of electricity generated through these sources is half the cost of energy from coal or gas. The EU, Canada, and the rest can look to quickly build up both their power generation from these sources, as well as their domestic production of wind turbines and solar panels through technology transfers.

Cheap EVs and low-cost electricity should go far towards sustaining living standards through a transition away from dependence on U.S. trade. There will undoubtedly be many issues to iron out in working through trade deals, but at this point it should be clear that closer economic ties to China are preferable to being dependent on the whims of the five-year-old in the White House.

Dean Baker is an economist, author, and co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research. His writing has appeared in many major publications, including The Atlantic, The Washington Post, and The Financial Times. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Substack.

Fake Deal: How The European Union Made A (Fossil) Fool Of Trump

Fake Deal: How The European Union Made A (Fossil) Fool Of Trump

Like many U.S. institutions, the European Union has abysmally failed the Trump test. The EU is an economic superpower and could have retaliated effectively against Trump’s illegal tariffs — illegal under both U.S. and international law. Instead, Europe did nothing and even made some apparent concessions.

But notice my wording: apparent concessions. The optics of the Trump-EU deal were humiliating, and optics matter. If you examine the substance, however, it starts to look as if Europe played Trump for a fool. Specifically, a fossil fool.

The EU made two sort-of pledges to Trump. First, that it would invest $600 billion in the United States. Second, that it would buy $750 billion worth of U.S. energy, mainly oil and gas, over the next three years. The first promise was empty, while the second was nonsense.

About those investments: European governments aren’t like China, which can tell companies where to put their money. And the European Commission, which made the trade deal, isn’t even a government — it can negotiate tariffs but otherwise has little power. On Sunday Politico spoke with Commission officials, who effectively confirmed that the investment pledge was meaningless:

[S]peaking Monday, two senior European Commission officials clarified that money would come exclusively from private European companies, with public investment contributing nothing.
“It is not something that the EU as a public authority can guarantee. It is something which is based on the intentions of the private companies,” said one of the senior Commission officials. The Commission has not said it will introduce any incentives to ensure the private sector meets that $600 billion target, nor given a precise timeframe for the investment.

So what the EU actually promised on investment was nothing, Nichts, rien.

The pledge to increase U.S. energy exports was a lot more specific and gave a timeframe. But it’s not going to happen. In fact, it’s going to not happen on three levels.

First, the European Commission, which can’t tell the private sector where to invest, is equally unable to tell the private sector where to buy oil and gas. How would that even work?

Second, the promised level of EU imports is probably physically impossible. Shipping liquefied natural gas (LNG), in particular, requires specialized infrastructure at both ends. On the US side, LNG terminals are already operating at capacity, while Europe’s LNG facilities are “stretched to their limits.” The EU just promised to vastly increase energy imports from America over the next three years, but it’s doubtful whether Europe could build any of the infrastructure needed before the end of that period, even with a crash investment program.

And why would anyone undertake such an investment program in a continent that is rapidly shifting toward renewable energy? As one energy analyst told the Financial Times:

European gas demand is soft and energy prices are falling. In any case, it is private companies not states that contract for energy imports. Like it or not, in Europe the windmills are winning.

Emphasis added because as everyone knows, Trump has a blind, irrational hatred for wind power.

Finally, even if Europe somehow managed to overcome the legal and physical obstacles to buying a lot more fossil fuels from America, both oil and LNG are fungible commodities traded on global markets. This means that any increase in purchases from Europe would reroute U.S. exports rather than increasing them: We’d sell more to Europe but less to, say, Japan and China.

So a big increase in U.S. energy exports driven by demand from Europe is not going to happen. But how will Europe explain its failure to follow through?

It might not have to. Back during Trump’s first term, China promised to buy a lot of U.S. agricultural goods but never did. As far as I know, Trump never made an issue of it. He got to announce a big deal, then lost interest.

And if the issue does come up, if there’s one thing officials at the European Commission are really good at — maybe better than anyone else on earth — it’s bureaucratic delay and obfuscation. Maybe at some point big, strong European men with tears in their eyes will meet with Trump and say, “Sir, we have a temporary hangup over clause #14159 of the 1986 Single European Act. But we’ll get it cleared up any day now.”

Bottom line: Whatever Trump may think, Europe is not going to provide a big boost to U.S. fossil fuel production. He won’t like that, if anyone tells him. But the rest of us should be glad. As I’ve written before, renewables are clearly the energy technology of the future. Trump and his allies are Luddites, trying to stand in the way of progress and keep us burning fossil fuels. Their “burn, baby, burn” obsession is very bad for America and the world. But at least we can be reasonably sure that Europe won’t help, um, fuel that obsession.

Paul Krugman is a Nobel Prize-winning economist and former professor at MIT and Princeton who now teaches at the City University of New York's Graduate Center. From 2000 to 2024, he wrote a column for The New York Times.

Reprinted with permission from Substack.

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