Tag: january 6 insurrection
Trump 'Settles' Bogus IRS Lawsuit For $1.8B Thug And Crony Slush Fund

Trump 'Settles' Bogus IRS Lawsuit For $1.8B Thug And Crony Slush Fund

Well, it happened. President Donald Trump really did drop his $10 billion lawsuit against the Internal Revenue Service to instead “settle” for $1.776 billion (ugh) to go to Jan. 6 insurrectionists and whoever else might just have a vibe that former President Joe Biden was mean to them.

As part of this sham, Trump is also dropping his $230 million demand for how sad he was over the Mar-a-Lago documents case, a thing that resulted in no consequences for Trump whatsoever. Trump, his sons, and his family business will not receive money from the settlement, but they do get an apology.

It’s absurd that this arrangement purports to settle Trump’s claims. There is no world where Trump’s lawsuit against the IRS over the leak of his tax returns by an IRS contractor is somehow resolved by a $1.7 billion settlement going to entirely different people for entirely different things. That’s just not how lawsuits work.

The Department of Justice is calling this an “Anti-Weaponization Fund” and issued a slender little two-pager that does not at all specify who will get this money or how much money they will get. The only requirement, it seems, is that someone alleges they suffered “weaponization and lawfare.”

The attorney general gets to appoint the five people who will oversee the slush fund, though one has to be chosen “in consultation with Congressional leadership.” That’s a very weaselly way of saying the administration will only be checking in with Republicans, since they currently control both houses.

Trump can remove anyone he wants for any reason, but the replacement “must be chosen the same way as the replaced member was selected.” On the surface, that sounds like some sort of meaningful restriction on Trump until you remember that the DOJ is nothing but Trump’s puppet and personal law firm these days, so any replacement tapped by the attorney general will no doubt be Trump’s pick.

The attorney general gets to appoint the five people who will oversee the slush fund, though one has to be chosen “in consultation with Congressional leadership.” That’s a very weaselly way of saying the administration will only be checking in with Republicans, since they currently control both houses.

Trump can remove anyone he wants for any reason, but the replacement “must be chosen the same way as the replaced member was selected.” On the surface, that sounds like some sort of meaningful restriction on Trump until you remember that the DOJ is nothing but Trump’s puppet and personal law firm these days, so any replacement tapped by the attorney general will no doubt be Trump’s pick.

According to Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche, however, this is a totally normal thing the government does. The DOJ’s press release and the settlement agreement both mention the Obama-era settlement in the Keepseagle v. Vilsack matter, calling it “legal precedent” for this slush fund. Seriously?

The Keepseagle fund was set up in 2011 to resolve a lawsuit where Native American farmers sued the government, alleging longtime, systemic discrimination by the Department of Agriculture in the distribution and servicing of farm loans from 1981 to 1999. The settlement was for $760 million, or less than one-half of Trump’s little slush fund.

The settlement capped most claims at $50,000, provided up to $12,500 to the IRS on the claimant’s behalf, and forgave USDA loan debt. Farmers who provided additional documentation of damages could receive up to $250,000 and forgiveness of farm debt. Out of 3,601 eligible claimants, 3,587 were paid $50,000, with only 14 farmers eligible for the higher payout.

Moreover, the Keepseagle settlement resolved a case that had been going on since 1999, ran 52 pages, and was required to be approved by the court.

Blanche also smugly explained why the slush fund for Trump is much better than the Keepseagle settlement; any money not claimed by treasonweasels goes back to the government, where in Keepseagle, “the remaining money—which ended up being over $300 million—was distributed to the entities that had not even submitted claims.”

Blanche failed to mention that such an arrangement, known as cy pres, is a longstanding feature of class action settlements, where any money left over after all claimants have been paid can be distributed to nonprofit organizations that directly support the class of claimants. In Keepseagle, $38 million went to nonprofits supporting Native American farmers via a grant-making process, while $266 million went to a trust to fund programs supporting Native farmers for the next 20 years.

Blanche also failed to mention that the move was implicitly approved by the Supreme Court when it refused to hear an appeal over the cy pres distribution.

Similarly, the settlement in Pigford v. Glickman over discrimination against Black farmers was reached only after nearly two years of litigation and, as with Keepseagle, was approved by the court. Class members had to show the USDA discriminated against them by denying loans or providing less favorable terms than those to white farmers. Those claims were also largely capped at $50,000, and over 20,000 claimants received a portion of the $1.01 billion in the settlement.

A second lawsuit, known as Pigford II, was resolved in 2010 for $1.25 billion, with Congress passing the Claims Resolution Act by unanimous consent to appropriate $1.15 billion of the funds.

The Trump Slush Fund is nothing like these settlements. It doesn’t resolve any longstanding litigation. It won’t be approved by a court. There are no restrictions on who can receive money or caps on how much they can get. It massively dwarfs the few million dollars here and there that Trump’s DOJ has showered on Trump cronies and insurrectionists thus far.

This is nothing but a transfer of your tax dollars to the pockets of Jan. 6 insurrectionists and Trump pals, simply because Trump demanded it.

It’s getting really tiresome to say that this is not how government works, but this is really, really not how government works.

DHS Nominee Quizzed In Secret Session Over Bizarre 'Classified Mission' Claims

DHS Nominee Quizzed In Secret Session Over Bizarre 'Classified Mission' Claims

Nominated to serve as Secretary of Homeland Security, Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-OK) was caught in a "discrepancy" in his biography on Wednesday, which left lawmakers scratching their heads during his confirmation hearing. The decision was ultimately to go to a classified setting, where Mullin said he could answer their questions about his "special assignment," which he told the Senate he couldn't talk about.

Mullin's tale dates back to the January 6 attack, when he told C-SPAN he was able to spring into action because “I’ve been in those situations before overseas." He claimed, “I recognized that there was an issue really quick.” When asked for specifics, he refused to go into it.More recently, Mullin described the “smell of war.”

“War is ugly, it smells bad, and if anybody’s ever been there and been able to smell the war that’s happened around you and taste it and fill it in your nostrils and hear it, it’s something that you’ll never forget, and it’s ugly,” he said.

Mullin has never been to war nor has he been in any kind of military service. He was a UFC wrestler. As The New Republic's Edith Olmsted noted Wednesday, his comments have raised questions about "stolen valor."

Mullin was forced into a secure setting where the senators could discuss classified matters about what he said was a secret. After leaving, Sen. James Lankford (R-OK), who nominated Mullin officially, said that what Mullin called "classified" was actually more of a nondisclosure agreement (NDA). Mullin was never recruited by any government agency for any overseas mission.

"There’s still a lot of unanswered questions about what 'special missions' Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-OK) was engaged in such that he could not disclose to the committee in a public setting," wrote Politico's Homeland Security reporter Eric Bazail-Eimil. Lankford, he said, made it clear the issue is not classified.

"Democrats are confused," Bazail-Eimil said. "Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) said it was a 'weird' situation and said he has more questions."

"Lankford also told us the trip was related to a follow up on a whistleblower. But Mullin said earlier he received SERE training," wrote Courthouse News Congress reporter Benjamin S. Weiss. SERE stands for Survival, Evasion, Resistance, and Escape (SERE) training, according to the U.S. Air Force.

Weiss recalled that Mullin also told the Senators he would only talk to people in the classified setting with "top secret" or "SCI clearance." What he did, Lankford said, was under an NDA.

"Things look even less clear," Weiss assessed.Mullin backed himself into a corner once Sen. Gary Peters (D-MI) began questioning him on which agency classified his trips. Mullin answered that the House did, but the House doesn't have that power.

NBC News reporter Melanie Zanona reported that former Speaker Kevin McCarthy was in the hearing audience to support Mullin in his nomination.

She relayed that McCarthy said Mullin's claims about being approved to take a classified trip to an undisclosed location in 2016 as a House member are '100% true.'"

McCarthy further said he checked with then-Speaker Paul Ryan (R-WI) at the time and "former staff." Mullin testified that only four people in the House knew about the mystery mission.Weiss noted that after the classified questioning, Lankford tried to dismiss the matter about the SERE training as a “mountain and molehill” situation. When pressed on it, however, Lankford's account contradicted Mullins', and he refused to go into more details discussed in the classified setting.

“If you knew more of the story, which is small, in this point, then it would make more sense, on it," said Lankford, according to Weiss.

Politico legal reporter Kyle Cheney said that the discrepancy between top secret classified information and an NDA "makes a lot more sense, but raises the question of why Mullin kept describing it as some kind of classified venture."

"Whether Trump’s DHS pick gets confirmed before 3/31 could come down to whether Senate Homeland Security Chair Rand Paul (R-Ky.), who has a bone to pick with Mullin over comments Mullin made about the 2017 assault against Paul, will proceed with tomorrow’s markup as planned," wrote Bazail-Eimil on X.

The Washington Post reported ahead of the hearing that Mullin has been telling this story for at least five years. The story is one that "most laymen would assume meant he served in foreign battle," wrote the Post's congressional reporter Paul Kane.

David J. Bier, the Cato Institute's director of immigration studies, noted that while in her role, Secretary Kristi Noem's "biggest problems were that she and her staff were habitually dishonest, deceptive, and unaccountable. If you want to see how Sen. Mullin will be exactly the same, watch this 8-second exchange: Dishonest. Evasive. No accountability."

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

Emil Bove

Far-Right Judges Named By Trump Display 'Pattern Of Dishonesty' On 2020 Election

President Donald Trump has appointed 27 judges to federal courts so far in his second term, and in addition to their right-wing interpretation of the law, an analysis of the judges’ comments to senators during the confirmation process reveals a key commonality between the president’s appointees: All were willing to evade direct questions about whether Trump lost the 2020 election and whether the US Capitol was attacked by a violent pro-Trump mob on January 6, 2021.

Demand Justice examined the Questions for the Record (QFRs) that were submitted by the Senate to the 27 judicial nominees regarding the election and January 6, and found that their answers to those two specific questions were nearly uniform in many cases—repeating certain phrases verbatim and “overall, using unusual and evasive language that’s almost entirely outside the normal, historical, and common lexicon used to describe such events.”None of the 27 nominees affirmatively answered that former President Joe Biden won the 2020 election, as proven by numerous courts that rejected lawsuits claiming otherwise and by both Republican and Democratic election officials. Instead, the nominees said Biden was “certified” as the winner, and 16 of them said he “served” as president.

Some of the nominees, including Emil Bove of the US Court of Appeals for the 3rd Circuit, Whitney Hermandorfer of the Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit, and Kyle Dudek of the Middle District of Florida, expanded on their answers, saying they would avoid “opining on the broader political or policy debate regarding the conduct of the 2020 presidential election.”

Demand Justice said those comments “strongly, and falsely,” suggested the 2020 election results are still a matter of legal dispute.

Josh Orton, president of the group, told MSNBC‘s Morning Joe on Tuesday that the nominees’ answers preserved “their ability to say, ‘I did not contradict Donald Trump’ on what we know are the two most third-rail issues to Donald Trump.”

“If nominees don’t answer these two questions, I think it amounts to, essentially, a political loyalty test,” said Orton.

Regarding questions about whether the US Capitol was attacked on January 6 and whether the attack was an insurrection, said Demand Justice, “not one nominee was willing to speak to the events that occurred on that day.”Twenty-one of them, including Bove, Hermandorfer, and Joshua Divine of District Courts for the Eastern and Western Districts of Missouri, characterized the attack—in which Trump supporters tried to stop Congress from certifying the 2020 election results—as a matter of debate.

None of the nominees mentioned the law enforcement officers who died as a result of the attack, even though some mentioned violence against law enforcement broadly in their other QFR answers; the fact that the House and Senate chambers were broken into; or the death threats rioters directed at then-Vice President Mike Pence.

“It is unprecedented for lifetime nominees to the federal bench to provide dishonest and misleading answers about historical facts—and it is deeply concerning that Trump’s nominees are parroting such strikingly similar language, the president’s own language, to avoid telling the truth,” said Orton.Orton added that “the kicker” of the report is that 15 members of the Democratic Caucus have voted for Trump’s judicial nominees despite their evasive and dishonest answers about January 6 and Trump’s 2020 loss.

“Excuse me? People died,” said Orton. “If you’re willing to appease Trump’s big lies, you have no business anywhere near a court, period.”

Democrats who have voted in favor of confirming Trump’s nominees include Sens. Chris Coons (D-DE), Tim Kaine (D-VA), Mark Kelly (D-AZ), and Amy Klobuchar (D-MN.).

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

This Is Bondi Justice: Coddle The Terrorist And Punish The Prosecutors

This Is Bondi Justice: Coddle The Terrorist And Punish The Prosecutors

By now, you may have heard of the latest Orwellian move by the Department of Justice. Two federal prosecutors have been put on administrative leave for the great sin of mentioning in a sentencing memo a defendant’s participation in the January 6 insurrection attempt.

It’s Orwell mixed with Macbeth, really, because it encompasses the paranoia and descent into post-crime madness of the Thane of Cawdor.

Let’s start with the defendant in question, Taylor Taranto, and his series of violent and pernicious crimes, apart from his participation in January 6, where he breached the Capitol building. After returning home to Washington state, he spread conspiracy theories about the attack. In 2023, Taranto staged a hoax by live-streaming that he had outfitted his car with a detonator and he was going to blow it up at the National Institute of Standards and Technology.

The next day, he drove to a residential neighborhood in Washington, D.C., while live-streaming himself making threats, including suggesting he would detonate a car bomb. Around the same time, Trump published the purported address of Barack Obama on his social media platform (we should pause a moment to try to take that in—as a presidential candidate, Trump published for his MAGA hordes a former President’s address), and Taranto read and reposted it.

He then drove through Obama’s neighborhood, live-streaming that he was searching for tunnels that would let him get to the former President. The Secret Service showed up and he fled, leaving behind a van full of illegal weapons: a CZ Scorpion, a pistol, and hundreds of rounds of ammunition.

There’s more, but you get the idea. This guy is more than a garden-variety insurrectionist, if there is such a thing. He is, in fact, a terrorist, looking to intimidate citizens to further his far-right political agenda.

After unsuccessfully arguing that his other crimes should be covered by Trump’s pardon, Taranto went to a bench trial (i.e, the judge, not a jury, was factfinder) before Carl Nichols, a Trump appointee, who convicted him of six different crimes.

That set up the offending sentencing memo, which in its 14 pages included the brief factual recitations about his participation in the January 6th riot and Trump’s Truth Social posting, and Taranto’s reposting of Obama’s address. It immediately attracted the attention and censure of some among the dozens or hundreds of Trump acolytes who now control the DOJ. Within 24 hours, the prosecutors who had drafted the initial sentencing memorandum found themselves on administrative leave while a new pair of prosecutors filed a sanitized document scrubbing all mention of January 6 and Trump’s publication of Obama’s name.

It’s not as if Judge Nichols isn’t already aware of Taranto’s conduct. He also handled the January 6th charges, which were effectively consolidated with his skein of other criminal conduct. The administration’s lookout, rather, was for the public, whom Trump and his administration continually have tried to hoodwink into believing January 6 was a garden party. The spare but accurate description in Taranto’s sentencing memo slightly undercuts that Orwellian program.

It was, moreover, completely appropriate material to point out in a sentencing memorandum. A court at sentencing is charged with taking into account all the defendant’s conduct, including relevant criminal charges for which a defendant is acquitted. That Trump issued his horrendous blanket pardon does not change the pertinence of Taranto’s behavior, and it was the prosecutor’s duty to bring it to the attention of the sentencing court.

Many other commentators have emphasized the obvious here, which is the cruelty and malice of punishing DOJ personnel for doing their jobs. It is a variation on the theme of the discharge of virtually every agent and prosecutor who worked on the January 6 cases, which, as history surely will record, were 100% righteous.

I join all those commentators in their disgust and sympathy for the blameless prosecutors. But I want to add a note detailing just how wicked and calculating the Department has been in this episode.

DOJ prosecutors are subject to a supervisory chain, which reviews important filings such as the sentencing memorandum in the Taranto case. It is up to the Bondi crowd to determine who is in that chain and what their responsibilities are. If they want to apply a ridiculously fine sieve to any mention of January 6 events coming out of the DOJ – even mentions that are plainly brief, pertinent, and factual – they need only to charge prosecutors to run documents by trained censors who can nip out any mentions of material they deem offensive.

In that event, the prosecutors here would’ve submitted the memo to the powers that be, and it would’ve come back to them with red-lined directions to eliminate the offending material. Instead, they have instituted a regime where blameless prosecutors go ahead with their best products, already no doubt influenced by concerns of not offending the new tyrannical bosses. Then, if they cross a line they couldn’t previously have seen, the hammer comes down.

This punitive culture spreads terror within the DOJ. Every prosecutor who still has a job is now watching their back, combing through submissions with a fine-tooth comb to avoid running afoul of the administration’s whims. Mentioning January 6th? Risk administrative leave. Citing Trump’s role in endangering public officials? Same consequence. It seems clear they wanted to set an example—to instill fear throughout the Department, control the narrative, and send a message that truth-telling about January 6th is punishable.

In short, the DOJ’s corruption now runs the gamut: investigating and prosecuting political enemies, while also disciplining prosecutors simply for stating what happened before our eyes. It’s Orwellian—truth itself is treated as a crime, but that’s just for starters. Far more than bureaucratic overreach, it’s another direct assault on the integrity of the justice system and the principles of accountability that are crucial to the health of a democracy. The episode, in fact, demonstrates why the republic is gravely ill.

Harry Litman is a former United States Attorney and the executive producer and host of the Talking Feds podcast. He has taught law at UCLA, Berkeley, and Georgetown and served as a deputy assistant attorney general in the Clinton Administration. Please consider subscribing to Talking Feds on Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Talking Feds.

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