Tag: ken paxton
google texas data centers

Data Center Donors Bankroll GOP Senate Candidates (Paxton Got $2 Million Plus)

Republican candidates in competitive U.S. Senate races are being bankrolled by data center proponents.

Former Michigan Rep. Mike Rogers has accepted $30,300 from the industry this cycle, Alaska Sen. Dan Sullivan has taken $98,300, and Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has received over $2 million.

These totals came from executives and employees at companies pushing to build more data centers. The contributions were made either directly to the candidate or a political action committee (PAC) supporting them.

Data centers provide the computing power needed to run artificial intelligence (AI) systems. The facilities have become controversial for their excessive use of electricity and water, which has contributed to rising utility costs.

A recent ABC News poll found that 66 percent of Americans oppose building more data centers in the United States, while 72 percent specifically oppose building data centers in their communities.

Candidates elected to the Senate this year will likely vote on legislation governing data center development and AI more broadly.

Rogers received $5,020 from Oracle employees and $4,000 from OpenAI employees. Both companies rank among the 20 largest data center developers in the United States. He also received $10,643 from Blackstone employees and $20,500 from Apollo Management employees, whose firms are heavily invested in data centers.

All of Sullivan’s contributions came from employees at Anthropic, another AI giant. They gave $14,000 to his primary campaign, $29,800 to his general election bid, $15,000 to Last Frontier, a super PAC supporting Sullivan, and $35,000 to True North PAC, which Sullivan runs.

Paxton’s contributions largely came from energy executives who build the infrastructure to support data centers. These include $50,000 from VoltaGrid CEO Nathan Ough and more than $2 million from former National Instruments CEO James Truchard.

Paxton collected another $100,000 from Florida-based energy investor Maxim Barskiy.

Reprinted with permission from American Journal News

Trump Paxton

Rejecting Donald Trump's Corruption Means Defeating Crooked Ken Paxton

As millions of Texas voters cast their ballots in an election that could determine control of the United States Senate, the rest of us can only hope they have gleaned the single most salient fact about Republican nominee Ken Paxton. As Texas attorney general, Paxton is technically the state's top law enforcement officer. And he is also an unrepentant racketeer, whose nomination epitomizes the Republican capitulation to Trump's monumental sleaze.

For voters in red Texas to reject Paxton would crystallize the popular revulsion against the theft of our government and treasure.

Many of Paxton's offenses involve complex securities transactions, financial litigation and real estate foreclosures that are simply opaque to most people. The average Texas voter is assuredly aware of this "conservative Christian" husband's marital infidelities. Texans know how he used a donor's firm to conceal one of several affairs — a baroque tale that emerged during his 2023 impeachment by Republican state senators. Yet his betrayals of constituents, his oath of office, and the public trust go far deeper than those peccadilloes.

The Texas House of Representatives approved a resolution of impeachment that specified 20 offenses, ranging from misuse of state resources and abuse of office to accepting a series of bribes from a real estate investor named Nate Paul. Once regarded as a wunderkind developer in Austin, Paul became infamous during the impeachment trial for hiring a Paxton mistress, secretly renovating Paxton's home for free, and using burner phones and a fake Uber account to evade surveillance of his contacts with the attorney general.

The Republican majority acquitted Paxton despite plentiful evidence of his guilt presented at his state Senate trial, allowing him to continue in office and plot his path to higher office. The permanent damage to his reputation would not dissuade his ethically tarnished ally Donald Trump from helping him to snatch the Senate nomination from incumbent Republican Sen. John Cornyn earlier this year.

Facing Democrat James Talarico, a state legislator with no ethical blemish on his record, Paxton can safely assume that most voters have forgotten — or never knew — exactly what he did to draw the attention of the FBI, the state Senate and other investigators who examined his record for evidence of crimes. Indeed, the coverage of his trial in the state Senate never fully revealed the dimensions and victims of his misconduct.

Of all the charges brought against Paxton, perhaps the least understood involved his actions on behalf of Paul. A high-flying young investor who proclaimed his ambition to become "the first self-made real estate billionaire," Paul turned out to be a conman whose Austin-based empire began to crumble in 2019 amid a series of bankruptcies and a spectacular FBI raid on his office and home.

Federal prosecutors charged him with over a dozen counts of fraud and deception in swindling his real estate partners, an indictment that neatly coincided with Paxton's impeachment. (Paul ultimately escaped prison by pleading guilty to a single count of misrepresentation.)

From press accounts, it is unclear when Paxton first encountered Paul, but as the latter increasingly came under legal scrutiny, the attorney general used his authority to protect the high-flying investor — by launching his own investigations against Paul's adversaries, intervening in lawsuits that involved Paul, and directing his subordinates to aid Paul's attorneys with confidential information, including unredacted FBI files.

But the action that epitomized Paxton's corrupt relationship with Paul concerned the investor's attempt to evade payment of a multimillion-dollar loan from a business development company known as Princeton Capital. About $50 million had been transferred under dubious circumstances from Capital Point, a limited partnership vehicle that had amassed millions of dollars in investment from public employee pension funds, including the Austin Police Retirement System as well as first responder funds in Little Rock, Seattle, Detroit, and several other municipalities.

The details of the creation of Princeton Capital and its agglomeration of those public pension assets is a classic American tale of political pay-for-play. The narrative recalls the public finance escapades of George W. Bush and his cronies that I examined in Harper's magazine in 1999. Regardless of the current enmity between the Bush and Paxton factions in the Texas GOP, they have always played this lucrative game much the same way.

When the Capital Point limited partners learned how their money had been secretly moved to Princeton Capital, they exercised fiduciary power to remove the discredited management — which had made the loans to Paul — and sought to recover that money. The loan to Paul became embroiled in litigation as the public pension funds sought to recover their absconded capital.

Paul's capacities as a fraudster were tested as he used shell companies and false filings to evade multiple state court orders to pay back the loan, which persisted long after the limited partners won a $10 million judgment against him. Finally, the court appointed a Texas attorney named Seth Kretzer to seize and auction Paul's hidden properties in order to satisfy the judgments against him.

As the state's top law enforcement official and a self-proclaimed advocate for "law and order," Paxton might have been expected to intervene in this case, if at all, on behalf of the police and firefighters whose pensions were at risk. But the Texas attorney general felt no such imperative. Having been paid off by Paul, he made no effort whatsoever to safeguard the cops' pensions in the Austin Police Retirement System, or those of the other first responders across the country, as this exceedingly complex series of lawsuits wound through the Texas court system.

Instead, Paxton shockingly intervened to hinder Kretzer from liquidating Paul's assets and restoring that money to the first responder pension funds. As later reported by whistleblowers in his office, the attorney general came up with a creative scheme to forestall the sale of Paul properties.

Early on the morning of August 1, 2020, two days before a scheduled auction of foreclosed Paul properties, Paxton's office issued an opinion declaring that outdoor building foreclosure sales could not be held lawfully under COVID-19 restrictions on public gatherings. As his top deputies and aides testified three years later during his impeachment trial, Paxton ignored normal procedures to rush the opinion out.

It was probably not a coincidence that on Oct. 29, 2018, the date when Princeton Capital's limited partners sent a notice of loan default to Paul, the investor had sent a check for $25,000 to Paxton's reelection campaign. Or that Paul then found so many ways to underwrite the personal grifting and extramarital sprees that are the essence of this Texas politician.

Paxton chose to "serve and protect" the crooks, not the cops.

For anyone hoping that a new Congress will hold Trump and his Cabinet accountable next year for their acts of massive and brazen corruption, nothing could be more repellent than the prospect of Sen. Ken Paxton.


Paxton and Talarico

Talarico Backs Abortion Rights, While Paxton Would Rather Let Women Die

This story first appeared in Courier Texas

On November 3, Texas voters will weigh questions about the future of reproductive healthcare as they decide whether to send Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton or Democratic State Rep. James Talarico to the U.S. Senate.

The candidates are stark opposites when it comes to abortion, with Paxton notably celebrating the end of Roe v. Wade in 2022 and threatening to impose legal ramifications on medical providers who perform abortions on women facing life-threatening conditions. Talarico has emphasized his stance against what he calls “extreme” abortion bans and outlined steps he would take to reduce Texas’ maternal mortality rates.

Here’s where each candidate stands on reproductive healthcare issues in Texas.

Where do Talarico and Paxton stand on Texas’ abortion ban?

Paxton has been outspoken about his anti-abortion stance.

In the aftermath of the Dobbs decision that repealed Roe v. Wade, Paxton called previous federally protected abortion rights “unconstitutional and unconscionable.” He expressed support for Texas’ highly restrictive abortion ban and said he looked forward to “defending the pro-life laws of Texas and the lives of all unborn children moving forward.”

In 2022, Paxton again defended Texas’ ban, which outlaws the procedure from conception, making exceptions only in exceedingly rare circumstances. When the Biden administration asserted that the EMTALA law, which requires hospitals nationwide to provide emergency care to every patient, also included performing health-saving abortions, Paxton pushed back, claiming that its directive would “transform every emergency room in the country into a walk-in abortion clinic.”

The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Texas’ abortion restrictions take precedence over EMTALA, even when an abortion is necessary to stabilize a patient experiencing a medical emergency.

Talarico, in contrast, said the state’s existing abortion restrictions have removed autonomy from women and their healthcare providers.

“I don’t believe that’s a place for the government. I don’t believe that’s a place for the state,” he said of abortion restrictions. “And that’s a belief I hold not despite my [Christian] faith, but because of my faith.”

Voters who consider themselves “pro-life” should be bothered by the risks associated with Texas’ ban, Talarico argued, particularly when it comes to the state’s very narrow scope of exceptions for extreme medical emergencies.

“They should be deeply disturbed by this abortion ban in Texas because we have women who are literally dying in emergency room parking lots because doctors are too afraid to provide the healthcare they need,” he said during an interview with The Jamie Kern Lima Show.

Dallas mom Lauren Miller had already been hospitalized twice due to a rare pregnancy side effect when she had to flee Texas to get a complex procedure to save one of the twins she was carrying. Early in her pregnancy she and her husband had learned that one of their twins suffered from Trisomy 18, a genetic condition that would lead to death in Miller’s uterus or very shortly after birth. The fetus only had half a brain, major heart issues, and other serious abnormalities.

“The risk of miscarriage with a Trisomy 18 baby is so severe that I could have lost both babies,” Miller told Courier Texas in a 2025 interview.

Miller needed a single fetal abortion to save the healthy twin. While she was already deeply ill from hyperemesis gravidarum, Miller had to board a plane and fly to Colorado for a safe procedure.

“I needed an abortion of an obviously unviable twin in order to protect the life of a viable twin. I was heading towards organ failure but apparently I wasn’t dead enough,” Miller recently told Courier Texas. “The decision between Ken Paxton and James Talarico comes down to a simple question: If you believe that a politician should make life or death medical decisions for you and your kids, by all means vote for Ken Paxton. If you believe you and your doctor know your medical needs better than a politician, vote for James Talarico.”

Talarico’s legislative record supports his stance of supporting women’s healthcare rights.

In 2022, Talarico filed HB 819, which would repeal several pre-Roe v. Wade restrictions on abortion, including the current “trigger ban” and a 1925 abortion ban that could open the door to women facing criminal prosecution for having an abortion. The proposal was advanced to the House State Affairs Committee in 2023, but failed to proceed.

How would each candidate handle medical exceptions to the ban?

When Amanda Zurawski, who almost died of sepsis when her water broke at 18 weeks of pregnancy, led a case up to the Texas Supreme Court, Ken Paxton fought the women every step of the way. The women involved in the suit sought to clarify the legal medical exceptions to Texas’s abortion ban, including asking that pregnant women carrying fetuses with fatal fetal anomalies be allowed to have legal abortions in the state.

“To me, the choice is incredibly obvious. It’s night and day,” Zurawski told Courier Texas. “I’ve met James (Talarico) as a state legislator and he’s been supportive of my work and of the other women who were plaintiffs. He apologized for the pain and suffering that I and the other women went through as a result of the abortion ban.”

When the Texas Supreme Court refused to clarify medical exceptions to the state’s abortion bans, as the women requested, Paxton celebrated the ruling.

“Ken Paxton has made life worse for us, and his legal team insisted in our court case that we weren’t even harmed by the abortion ban,” Zurawski said. “I also don’t trust that Ken Paxton will support access for Texas women to IVF—something that I need to have a family now.

“I fear that if Ken Paxton becomes our state's senator, that the amount of damage that he will do to 49 other states will know no bounds.”

When mom Kate Cox received a judge’s permission to abort her fetus after the diagnosis of a fatal fetal anomaly, Paxton immediately threatened to criminally prosecute and civilly sue her OBGYN, Dr. Damla Karsan, as well as any hospital which provided the abortion.

“Ken Paxton threatened to come after me if I had performed the abortion. He threatened me with 99 years in jail, a $100,000 fine and the loss of my medical license,” Karsan told Courier Texas.

Cox was already gravely ill from the effects of carrying a fetus with Trisomy 18, and she feared losing her fertility from the doomed pregnancy.

“If she was forced to continue the pregnancy in Texas, she would have had to undergo a C-section, which is major surgery in order to have a baby that wouldn’t survive,” Karsan said. “She already had two babies by C-section and she really wants to have a third child, but every C-section is more dangerous.”

After Paxton’s threat, Cox fled to a state where abortion was legal and underwent the procedure.

“Ken Paxton doesn’t care if Texas women die as a result of the abortion ban,” Karsan said. “His message to women is that you are only valued for your ability to bear children—but women in Texas are now afraid to start a family. I hear that from patients all the time. The ban has had a chilling effect on having children.”

Talarico has repeatedly pushed back on Texas’ ultra-strict abortion ban, calling out GOP leaders for their opposition to exceptions even in the most complex cases.

A spokesperson for Talarico emphasized Talarico’s opposition to Paxton on the issue of abortion exceptions, telling Courier Texas, “Ken Paxton has consistently pushed to criminalize women’s healthcare and put politicians in the middle of decisions that should be left to Texas women, their doctors, and their faith. Paxton defended and enforced the most extreme abortion ban in the entire country, with no exceptions for rape or incest.”

Talarico was a co-sponsor for SB 31, The Life of The Mother Act, which permits exceptions to the state’s near-absolute abortion ban by allowing doctors to intervene before a pregnant patient dies or suffers very serious physical impairment when medical criteria for the law are met.

What would they do about Texas’ maternal mortality rate?

Texas’ maternal mortality rate has consistently measured higher than the national average—and women of color face the starkest consequences. From 2016-2020, 83 Black women died per 100,000 live births in Harris County, Texas—the highest rate in the US.

In September 2026, the family of Tierra Walker, a Black woman who died after developing preeclampsia during pregnancy, sued Paxton and other defendants. They alleged that Texas’ abortion restrictions and the type of care she received contributed to her death, ProPublica reported.

Paxton has made no public comment on Walker’s death. His campaign website does not mention maternal health, but states he “will work alongside President Trump to Make America Healthy Again.”

Talarico has spoken publicly about maternal mortality, proposing specific reduction measures like insurance coverage for doulas and midwives and supporting the Healthy Start program, whose stated mission is “to improve the health and well-being of women, infants, and families in Dallas County by providing comprehensive prenatal, maternal, postpartum, and infant care.”

A statement on Talarico’s campaign website says he hopes to “end maternal care deserts, improve data collection, provider training, and investment in maternal health research, extend eligibility for the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC)” and “guarantee all new mothers can take time off work to tend to their health.

Dr. Austin Dennard is a Dallas OB-GYN and mother who learned early in her third pregnancy that the fetus had anancephaly—a condition not compatible with survival. Despite wanting the pregnancy, she and her husband traveled out of state for an abortion.

“I have spent my entire adult life training to care for women in the moments when minutes matter,” Dennard told Courier Texas. “OB-GYNs wake up in the middle of the night to operate on ruptured ectopic pregnancies. We run toward hemorrhages. We deliver babies in emergencies, perform life-saving surgery with little warning and make extraordinarily complicated decisions under enormous pressure. We train for years to know what to do when a woman’s life is suddenly in our hands.

“So I have very little patience for politicians who have never taken care of a patient, never stood in an operating room at 2 a.m., never managed an obstetric hemorrhage, and never had to make a split-second decision to save a woman’s life, telling us how to practice medicine.”

Dennard said Paxton has championed a version of government in which politicians and prosecutors can second-guess doctors and women during extraordinarily complex medical circumstances.

“We have seen the consequences of that approach in Texas: fear, confusion, delayed care and physicians forced to consider the legal consequences of treatment while standing at a patient’s bedside.”

She said Talarico brings a different approach to governance in Texas.

“James Talarico offers something fundamentally different: trust. Trust women to know their own lives. Trust physicians who have devoted theirs to caring for them. And understand that bodily autonomy isn’t some abstract political argument. It is a fundamental freedom.

“OBYNs don’t need politicians practicing medicine from the Capitol. We need them to get out of the exam room and let us do the jobs we sacrificed so much of our lives to learn how to do.”

Bonnie Fuller is the former CEO and editor-in-chief of HollywoodLife.com and former editor-in-chief of Glamour, Cosmopolitan, Marie Claire, and USWeekly. Follow her substack, Bonnie Fuller: Your Body Your Choice. from which this is reprinted with permission.

Reprinted with permission from American Journal News

Donald Trump and Ken Paxton

Rove Is Innocent! Why Republicans Can't Play Trump's Blame Game

Defending Karl Rove isn't something that comes easily to anyone who observed his Machiavellian machinations during the second Bush administration. But whatever guilt he may bear from that era, the political strategist his boss called "Turd Blossom" is getting a bum rap from the current president.

Donald Trump wants to pin blame on Rove for the impending Republican disaster in Texas, where James Talarico now looks like he can edge Ken Paxton in the U.S. Senate race. Losing the Lone Star State would be an epoch-making event for the GOP — and in a lengthy Truth Social post, Trump is already attempting to deflect blame for the disaster.

At this point it must be said -- simply in order to avoid bad juju -- that the current opinion polls cannot predict what will happen in Texas or any of the midterm elections next month. What can be stated with great confidence is that should Paxton and a host of other red-state Republican Senatorial nominees suffer such a momentous loss, the fault will not lie with Rove or any other MAGA scapegoat.

No, that responsibility will fall squarely on Trump, whose ranting and raving will achieve nothing except to reinforce the widespread sense that he is losing the plot. Whatever the ultimate results may be, Republicans now face the likelihood that they will lose dozens of House seats and the possibility that they will lose the Senate too — an unexpected set of perils that can only be attributed to one man (along with his eager stooges).

Trump proclaimed that Rove and Texas Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX), the incumbent ousted in the primary after he endorsed Paxton, "are doing everything possible to make it hard for Ken Paxton to win." But Trump unintentionally revealed the real obstacle for Texas Republicans in that post's delusional description of Paxton as "the Greatest Attorney General in the History of Texas, and one of the Best in the United States." In fact, Paxton is a credibly suspected crook who narrowly escaped removal from office by the Texas legislature — and whose own staff thought he should be prosecuted for corruption.

Beyond all that, Paxton campaigns under the shadow of Trump himself, a president who won Texas by a wide margin and now suffers negative approval ratings there.

None of this would have happened if Trump had merely stifled his own dislike of Cornyn and his irrepressible impulse to promote any politician who kisses his rump with sufficient gusto.

If Republicans lose any of other battleground Senate races — again underlining if — then Trump assuredly will assign culpability to someone else, just as he has resisted answering for any failure, bankruptcy, or defeat throughout his long life. But in each and every instance, if the Republican loses, there will be nobody else to hold accountable but him.

Look at the two races that the Senate Republican leadership has apparently abandoned as hopeless by canceling millions of dollars in advertising. Georgia Sen. Jon Ossoff, the Democratic incumbent, was seen as highly vulnerable when the cycle began last year. But that was before Trump intervened to tilt the Republican nomination to Rep. Mike Collins, a tainted MAGA politician under investigation by the House Ethics Committee and surrounded by loud-mouthed white supremacistswhite supremacists on his staff and campaign.

Or consider North Carolina, where Trump first drove Sen. Thom Tillis, a decent Republican bet for reelection, into retirement — and then pushed the nomination to Michael Whatley, a party hack with no record of accomplishment. Best known for screwing up the state's recovery from Hurricane Helene as Trump's appointed "czar," Whatley wrecked any chance he had — despite Trump's fulsome description of him as "a great man" and "a great leader."

As for the incumbent Republicans whose tenure now seems threatened, they too can trace their woes to Trump. Without his burdensome presence around their necks, GOP senators like Ohio's Jon Husted, Kansas's Roger Marshall and Nebraska's Pete Ricketts surely would have cruised into another term without a drop of sweat. The front line keeps moving deeper into red territory, while the early vote data appears to show low Republican enthusiasm and a surging Democratic turnout.

Those Republicans all may win on November 3. Yet should they lose, or win by a razor-thin margin, everyone except Trump will understand why — and that realization will underscore just how gravely he has damaged his own party as well as the country.

Joe Conason is founder and editor-in-chief of The National Memo. He is also editor-at-large of Type Investigations, a nonprofit investigative reporting organization formerly known as The Investigative Fund. His latest book is The Longest Con: How Grifters, Swindlers and Frauds Hijacked American Conservatism (St. Martin's Press, 2024). The paperback version, with a new Afterword, is available wherever books are sold.


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