Tag: todd blanche
Behind Epstein File Redactions, A Rogue's Gallery Of Misogynist Malefactors

Behind Epstein File Redactions, A Rogue's Gallery Of Misogynist Malefactors

“We did not redact images of any men unless it was impossible to redact the woman without also redacting the man. We did not protect President Trump. We didn’t protect or not protect anybody.”

That was Todd “Boy Cohn” Blanche earlier this year, explaining how the Department of Justice was handling redactions of sensitive information as it complied with the Epstein Files Transparency Act (EFTA).

At the same press conference, Blanche also promised DOJ was going to prosecute men involved in trafficking. “If we learn about information and evidence that allows us to prosecute them, you better believe we will.” But then he added this qualification: “I don’t think that the public or you all are going to uncover men within the Epstein files that abuse women.”

Regular readers of the Freakshow will know at a glance that that statement is not true. The files contain plenty of information and evidence suggesting that some men – both named and unnamed – appear to have participated in Epstein’s trafficking operation as scouts or johns, while many, many more appear to have been aware of the activities but done nothing about them.

And over the past six months, we have uncovered the names of numerous men – and one non-victim woman, Kathy Ruemmler – whose identities are concealed in some or all versions of the files. Among the mysteriously redacted: the late sex traffickers Daniel Siad and Jean-Luc Brunel; Steve Bannon; former Prince Andrew’s top aide David Stern; Epstein’s brother Mark Epstein; Epstein’s great benefactor Les Wexner; Wall Street titans Leon Black and Glenn Dubin; former Colombian president Andrés Pastrana; former British ambassador to the U.S. Peter Mandelson; disgraced Dubai businessman Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem; Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; former French minister Jack Lang; Kathy Ruemmler; and former Sen. George Mitchell.

How we uncovered these names varied from case to case. In many instances, there was another, unredacted copy of the same email, text message, or photo elsewhere in the files (suggesting a concerning lack of consistency in the redaction process). We also made some determinations based on an abundance of context clues.

Here is a sampling of some of the mystery-man redactions we have identified:

Daniel Siad is redacted in this conversation with Ghislaine Maxwell. The context of the email is that Epstein and Maxwell had just returned from Havana, where they had a five-hour lunch with Fidel Castro. Four days later, Siad sent Maxwell an email (“Hello from Havana”), which she forwarded to Epstein. For some reason, DOJ saw fit to redact Siad’s name.

Peter Mandelson can be identified as the redacted sender of this email reading: “Find me someone to be really nice to in Dubai.”

References to Leon Black are redacted multiple times in this email from Epstein recruiter Irina Chernova, discussing with Epstein a “good bye gift” she had received from Black (more on the relationship between Black and Epstein’s Russian recruiters in our The Billionaire and the Recruiters Freakshow series). Black is also redacted in this court filing from the U.S. Virgin Islands’ litigation against JPMorgan over the bank’s financing of Epstein’s trafficking there. Many other men are named in the document – but another Wall Street titan, hedge funder Glenn Dubin, is redacted. Dubin and his wife spent considerable time on Epstein’s island and they are also named in a deposition by an Epstein employee who alleged that one of their nannies was a terrified underage Swede who said Ghislaine Maxwell had taken away her passport in the Caribbean.

Les Wexner, the Ohio billionaire who was Epstein’s great benefactor, and Jean-Luc Brunel, the modeling agent accused of procuring girls for Epstein, are both mysteriously redacted in some copies of a 2024 internal FBI document summarizing the Epstein case and laying out the investigation timeline.

Former Colombian president Andrés Pastrana is the redacted sender of this email; the redacted recipient is Ghislaine Maxwell. Pastrana mentions Maxwell’s plans to “be in Arkansas with Clinton” and he is redacted again in an email from Maxwell mentioning Jeffrey’s “ideas for the conference.” Pastrana had flown to Cuba with Maxwell and Epstein a week earlier and afterwards sent Ghislaine a warm email in Spanish – his name again redacted – saying that el Comandante had a wonderful time.

Note: In an email the previous day, Daniel Siad mentioned that he was in Havana “taking care of” someone he calls “Andreas a great gentelement [sic],” a possible reference to Pastrana. The Freakshow has so far not determined what “taking care of” meant.

Some redactions look less like victim protection and more like protection from embarrassment.

The DOJ went to town with the blackout ink on former Prince Andrew’s aide David Stern. Stern can be identified as the redacted sender in numerous emails to Epstein on the topic of “lots of P” (P being Pussy), because in other messages, he is not redacted while discussing exactly the same thing.

Here is Stern wishing Epstein “lots of P” for his birthday in 2012, and again for the new year; making plans with Epstein to buy the Dukes Hotel in London with “room for lots of P”; on the lookout for new assistant P for Jeff in St. Moritz; and lamenting the hot weather and lack of good P in London.

Here, comedian Bobby Slayton is redacted while wishing Epstein a Happy New Year and, of course, a year with lots of pussy.

Some of the redactions do indeed look accidental. Tom Pritzker is all over the Epstein files, but is redacted in one entirely anodyne Maxwell email from 2001: “See you at 71st at 9.15pm Then I will feed you [sic].” It’s also possible that this single redaction is only one of others yet unmasked.

Other examples are harder to explain. Why would the late Wall Street tycoon and Epstein mentor Ace Greenberg’s name be redacted from Epstein’s Bear Stearns background check paperwork? Reputation protection? Brother Mark Epstein’s name and relationship to Jeff are redacted in the same file.

There are mysteriously redacted male faces in photographs, too. Redactions in two photos cover the face of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Two men flanking a woman or girl are concealed in this image. And in another redacted image, Sen. George Mitchell sits beside Jeffrey Epstein, holding a redacted small child (probably Mitchell’s child and not a victim).

Some redactions were contested early on. In February, Reps. Thomas Massie and Ro Khanna, who had seen both the original and redacted documents, grilled Blanche about the hidden identities. Massie pointed to a document containing 20 names, 18 of which had been redacted. Blanche claimed the document had “numerous victim names” and that DOJ had “unredacted all non-victim names.”

At the same hearing, Blanche also defended the redaction of Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem’s name in a notorious email in which Epstein tells the redacted Sultan that he “loved the torture video.” Blanche claimed it was initially redacted because the material contained an email address constituting personally identifiable information.

A February 2026 report to Congress, signed by Pam Bondi and Blanche, alphabetically listed the names of dozens of men and a few women – from Alexander Acosta to Paolo Zampolli – who were government officials or “politically exposed” and/or appeared in the files at least once. The letter stated that “No records were withheld or redacted on the basis of embarrassment, reputational harm or political sensitivity, including to any government official, public figure or foreign dignitary.”

Melania Trump is on the list, along with Donald Trump, but based on our review, that list is incomplete. The missing include Dubin, Stern, Pastrana, Greenberg, and Mitchell. Mitchell’s omission can’t be explained simply by his being deceased since Kurt Cobain and Janis Joplin are both included.

If we take DOJ at its word that nobody was omitted or redacted to spare embarrassment or reputational harm, then there must be some other explanation for masking those men.

The only official excuse is in a footnote to the February report:

Any omissions from the list are unintentional and, as explained in the previous letters to Congress, a result of the volume and speed with which the Department complied with the Act. Individuals whose names were redacted for law-enforcement sensitive purposes are not included.

It’s entirely possible that some of the redactions (and un-redactions) are mistakes. But others are clearly deliberate. And Blanche has never defined what “law-enforcement sensitive purposes” actually means.

Blanche made his first public statement on the Epstein files on July 22, 2025 to announce that he would be interviewing Ghislaine Maxwell in person.

Six months later, announcing DOJ’s compliance with the Epstein Files Transparency Act, he cautioned that the public’s “hunger or a thirst for information” would probably not be satisfied by the documents because he “[didn’t] think that the public or you all are going to uncover men within the Epstein files that abuse women.” Now that he is Attorney General, Blanche has repeatedly doubled down on that position.

Meanwhile, his and DOJ’s explanations for what remains hidden continue to evolve. Tellingly, the excuse they’re using now for withholding handwritten FBI notes – that they are “duplicative” – was never mentioned in the early explanations.

Journalist Katie Phang’s lawsuit against Blanche prompted the DOJ to acknowledge that 200,000 pages in the files had been redacted or withheld based on various privileges. The judge in that case has so far appeared to side with Phang on the transparency issue and has threatened the DOJ with a contempt of court citation for failing to adequately explain various mystery redactions.

Protecting the men in the files from embarrassment or worse is apparently of higher importance than investigating any of them for knowledge of or involvement in Epstein’s crimes.

This is not the case in Europe. Norway is investigating two Epstein pals. At least two of the DOJ’s redacted men – Lang and Mandelson – are under investigation in France and the UK. Daniel Siad was also under investigation in France before he died.

So we have another sordid Trumpy milestone: his top law enforcement agency stands alone among the Western nations, not only turning a blind eye to a global trafficking and influence network with abused girls and women at its core, but actively hiding their names in file releases demanded by Congress.

Nina Burleigh is a journalist, author, documentary producer, and adjunct professor at New York University's Arthur L. Carter Journalism Institute. She has written eight books including her recently published novel, Zero Visibility Possible.

Katie Chenoweth is associate professor of French at Princeton University and an investigative researcher

Reprinted with permission from American Freakshow

Iowa Senate Nominee Hinson Took At Least $90,000 From Epstein Cronies

Iowa Senate Nominee Hinson Took At Least $90,000 From Epstein Cronies

Iowa Rep. Ashley Hinson has come under fire for accepting $90,000 from billionaire donors tied to sex predator Jeffrey Epstein. Now it appears she also missed multiple House votes aimed at exposing Epstein and holding his coconspirators accountable.

All of the missed votes occurred in the House Appropriations Committee, which Hinson serves on. While her absences likely did not affect any vote outcomes, they do raise questions about her commitment to protecting sexual assault survivors.

Epstein died by suicide in a Manhattan jail shortly after being arrested on federal sex trafficking charges in August 2019. Most of Hinson’s missed votes were in September 2025, when Congress was debating compelling the release of Justice Department files related to the Epstein investigation. Many of Epstein’s victims were young girls.

On September 3, 2025, she missed two votes: one intended to speed up the release of the files and another to block public funds from being used to prevent the release of visitor logs for Epstein’s residences and private jet.

Hinson missed votes again on September 10, 2025, when the committee was considering multiple Epstein-related amendments to a federal funding bill. One of the amendments would have pressured the Justice Department to release records related to the prison transfer of Ghislaine Maxwell, Epstein’s friend and romantic partner.

Maxwell is currently serving a 20-year sentence for aiding and abetting Epstein’s crimes. She was controversially transferred to a minimum-security prison in August 2025 after meeting with Trump administration officials, including future Attorney General Todd Blanche.

Hinson said she was “glad” when Blanche became attorney general.

Hinson was present for other amendment votes on September 10, 2025, suggesting that she was in Washington D.C., despite missing the Epstein-related votes.

The other amendments considered included one that would have prohibited the Justice Department from using funds to withhold or redact the Epstein files and another that would have required the attorney general to compile a report of all materials related to the investigation.

That same day, Hinson received two donations from billionaire Stephen A. Schwarzman, whose name appears in the Epstein files more than 20 times. Schwarzman gave $7,000 to Hinson’s U.S. Senate campaign and $5,000 to her leadership PAC.

Hinson initially declined to sign a petition forcing a House vote on the release of the Epstein files. She ultimately voted to release the files, however, when it came up in a floor vote.

In August, Hinson missed another committee vote on an amendment preventing public funds from being used to lift or bypass sanctions on alleged child traffickers.

“For too long, the powerful have used their connections to dodge consequences,” said Rep. Norma Torres (D-CA), who introduced the provision. “This amendment stops taxpayer dollars from being used to lift sanctions on credible child traffickers.”

Hinson is running for the U.S. Senate in Iowa against Democratic state Rep. Josh Turek. It is expected to be one of the most competitive races of 2026.

Reprinted with permission from American Journal News

How A Corrupt And Incompetent Justice Department Is Damaging Public Safety

How A Corrupt And Incompetent Justice Department Is Damaging Public Safety

We have focused, for good reason, on a series of cases brought by the Trump Justice Department in rank violation of the most basic principles of due process and federal prosecutorial practice. The attorneys general who green-lighted them will live in infamy when the history of the Department of Justice’s corrupt work during Trump 2.0 is written.

Reprisal prosecutions brought for nakedly political reasons, like against James Comey and Letitia James, or “talking point prosecutions” against innocent defendants like David Hearn, brought to bolster a false public narrative, or outrageous surrenders of taking care of responsibilities for lawless sweetheart deals to Trump buddies will themselves mark this Department as the most corrupt in history.

It’s only gotten worse in the transition from Pam Bondi to Todd Blanche, who has been out front defending the 180-degree reversal of long-honored Department practice.

These cases have exacted outrageous costs on Trump’s enemies and bestowed outrageous benefits on Trump’s allies. All of them have brought great dishonor to the Department of Justice. All of them are characteristic of the sort of counterfeit justice found in authoritarian societies, not democratic societies governed by the rule of law.

The administration’s conversion of the Department of Justice into a law firm to further the personal interests and grievances of Donald Trump has deeply eroded credibility, built up over generations, since at least Watergate. The so-called presumption of regularity, basically a matter of trust and confidence that the Department was doing the right thing, is now in tatters.

But there is yet another downside to these systematic derelictions, and in some ways it is even more damaging.

The damage comes home to roost in other righteous cases that have always been the hallmark of the DOJ. We’re seeing cases that likely would have and should have proceeded to conviction coming up short, with tangible costs borne by the public.

Case in point: The trial earlier this year in a Washington courtroom of Moises Rivera-Luna, which for a second time ended in a hung jury.

Rivera-Luna is no sandwich-thrower. The Justice Department says he’s a ringleader of MS-13 who ordered murders in the United States from inside a Salvadoran jail cell more than a decade ago—the shootings and stabbings of young men in the D.C. area who had breached the gang’s codes. He is, in other words, exactly the kind of defendant a United States Attorney’s Office exists to convict, and twice now Jeanine Pirro’s office could not do it.

Cases like this, against ringleaders of interstate or international gangs, are among the most important that the Department brings. The DOJ is uniquely positioned to combat large organizations, and Congress has supplied the legal tools to do so.

I believe in the presumption of innocence, so the point here is not to insist that justice wasn’t done—it was the jury’s call whether the government proved its case beyond a reasonable doubt, and two juries declined to make it.

But I have spent a lot of time around DOJ prosecutions of organized crime, including in D.C., and everything about this one carries the presumption of credibility that MS-13 conspiracy cases have always carried. The defendant is very likely a very bad man, properly charged. The lead prosecutor, Nihar Mohanty, is a veteran who won convictions of Rivera-Luna’s co-conspirators in the same case back in 2013. These are, as one defense attorney who has tried nearly a dozen of them put it, cases that come with a playbook—cases that the Department has learned to bring successfully.

So how do you lose twice?

You lose it the way Pirro’s office is now losing a great many things. Before the MS-13 case was retried in April, the D.C. U.S. Attorney’s Office had won convictions in only four of eight federal trials before Washington juries since January. In the roughly dozen cases since, two defendants were acquitted outright, and four more juries hung, deadlocked and hopeless, reporting to the judge that they had reached an impasse. Roughly half.

That against the national numbers: Jurors convict at a rate of about ninety percent. I have practiced and taught in this field for decades, and I have never encountered a record remotely like this one—not in any office, state or federal, anywhere in the country. Judge Royce Lamberth, after nearly forty years on the bench, was similarly struck, remarking on the second MS-13 trial that he had never seen one quite like it.

It is important to understand why that ninety percent figure exists. It’s not because the system is rigged, and not because the juries are pushovers. It exists because a well-functioning Department of Justice charges prudently. Prosecutors, in the ordinary run of things, have enormous discretion over which cases to bring. In normal times, it is axiomatic that they may not and will not bring cases that don’t satisfy the Principles of Federal Prosecution. That means that—and these are two separate requirements—the prosecutors and supervisors have concluded that the defendant did the offense and that it is likely that the government will prove it beyond a reasonable doubt at trial.

That rock-bottom test is the foundation of every criminal trial in this country. Accumulated over fifty years of practice, it has meant that the Department of Justice goes into battle with a certain presumption of regularity and overall credibility with at least the run of jurors.

No more.

Pirro’s office has spent the presumption down to nothing, and that means that a generic juror in the district may well take their seat already jaundiced. They know about the sandwich guy. They know about the indictments that collapsed, the prosecutions the president openly demanded, the office convulsed by Trump-prompted firings and departures. So when a defense lawyer stands up and suggests that a witness shaded the truth or that the government has overreached, that juror is a more receptive audience than they would have been two years ago—because they have been given every reason to wonder whether this office plays by the same rules. It broke the rules in the cases the president wanted. Why would a juror assume it kept them here?

These are the hidden costs of the Justice Department’s corruption and fecklessness, and it is the part few people are talking about. The DOJ’s outrageous cases—the Comeys, the sandwich guys—are largely being lost. There is a rough justice in that (although I emphasize, it is “rough” because the defendants are still being subjected to completely unjust financial, emotional, and reputational harm). The cost lands somewhere else entirely: it is born one hundred percent by the public.

When Rivera-Luna walks out of that courtroom because the jury could not bring itself to trust the government that charged him, the price is not paid by Jeanine Pirro or by the president who installed her. It is paid on the streets of Washington—in the possibility of more violence, more victims from a man the Justice Department insists, with very good reason, is a ruthless killer.

The office says it will try him a third time in September, running the same script that failed twice. Perhaps a third jury will convict, but the deeper problem does not go away with one verdict, because a transnational gang’s ringleader is far from the last hard case they will face.

Here’s a case coming down the pike in the same courthouse, which would be hugely challenging and important for any DOJ: a conspirator in the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103. The Department has worked the case indefatigably, and it is a critical test of the U.S. criminal justice system, but the prosecutors are going to stand before jurors who have every reason to squint and with the equivalent of one hand tied behind their backs.

The responsibility and dishonor rest squarely with Jeanine Pirro and a Department led by Todd Blanche that is proud to champion the abrogation of the norms of generations of DOJ prosecutors. But make no mistake: it’s the public that pays the wages of the corruption.

Harry Litman is a former United States Attorney and the executive producer and host of the Talking Feds podcast. He has taught law at UCLA, Berkeley, and Georgetown and served as a deputy assistant attorney general in the Clinton Administration. Please consider subscribing to Talking Feds on Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Talking Feds

The Only Promise Todd Blanche Can Honestly Make Is More Dishonesty

The Only Promise Todd Blanche Can Honestly Make Is More Dishonesty

Todd Blanche was Donald Trump's personal attorney, so it was natural that when he was elevated to attorney general, a journalist asked whether he would "pledge that the Justice Department will always act independently of the White House?"

The correct answer to such a question is obvious: The Justice Department and I are committed to the impartial administration of justice. We will always make prosecution decisions based solely upon the facts and the law after a fair evaluation of the evidence.

But Blanche said something a little different:

"No, I'm not going to pledge that. And no attorney general should ever pledge that. The president, I mean, if I were to pledge I will be independent of the White House, what that means is that if President Trump says, 'I want the Department of Justice to go after every violent criminal in this country,' which is what he has said, what you're saying to me is I should say, 'No, sir, I'm not going to do it.'"

What jumps out first about Blanche's answer is the blithe refusal even to mouth (however disingenuously) the expected platitude. This is the Trumpian way. They don't just break the rules behind closed doors; they shatter the rules in broad daylight. It's not enough, for example, that the Trump Justice Department is denying resources to the team that investigates and prosecutes foreign corrupt practices; Trump issued an executive order pausing all such prosecutions. So it's not news that Trump's new attorney general will fail to seek impartial justice, but the refusal to even feign regard for impartial justice is new.

The substance of Blanche's justification is also fatuous. Pledging to act independently of the White House doesn't mean acting in every instance in direct opposition to the president. That's absurd and it's not what independence requires. Nor could the president order the attorney general to "go after every violent criminal in this country," since more than 98% of violent crimes are state offenses, not federal ones, and in any case the combined forces of the state and federal governments don't have the resources to go after every violent criminal.

So much for deflection. The coffee-spitting moment came later, when Blanche was asked whether he would carry out an order that "crossed a legal or ethical line" and he proclaimed, "The president will never ask me to do something unethical or legal — or illegal. He never has. He never will."

Let's let the Freudian slip pass, but in fact the president had demanded that the Justice Department do something unethical that very week — namely, reconsider the decision to drop spurious vandalism charges against David Hearn. Jeanine Pirro's own motion to the court acknowledged that the original indictment was based upon false information provided by the Department of the Interior.

Nevertheless, Trump fumed that Pirro had "choked." This week, we learned that she was convening a special grand jury for some unknown purpose. If I were Hearn, I'd keep my lawyer close.

And that perversion of justice is only a ripple in the flood of plainly politicized acts and forbearances by this administration. This is a president who sent a DM to his attorney general demanding the prosecution of his political opponents. It's hard to think of how you could more comprehensively upend the idea of blind justice.

Trump's apologists do have a valid point when they note that the Manhattan district attorney's case against Trump in the Stormy Daniels case was also a form of lawfare. I said at the time that the case was flimsy and almost certainly would never have been brought if Trump were not the target. Trump's flagrant lawbreaking did present a quandary: How do you hold him responsible for his crimes without unintentionally validating the idea in the minds of his supporters that all justice is corruptly motivated?

There are no easy answers. Still, the Bragg prosecution was a local case, not the federal government seeking to punish a political foe. Ditto for the civil case Letitia James brought. At the federal level, Attorney General Merrick Garland was actually extremely reluctant to pursue federal charges against Trump despite the gravity of his conduct before and on January 6. It was only after Trump announced his reelection bid that Garland felt compelled to appoint a special prosecutor (precisely to avoid the appearance of a conflict of interest).

Nor is it the case that President Joe Biden's administration used the Justice Department to settle political scores. To repeat, Garland was widely criticized for moving slowly against Trump's obvious lawbreaking in the Mar-a-Lago documents case as well as the January 6 insurrection. One can understand his hesitation.

One administration prosecuting another opens the possibility of a dangerous tit-for-tat, but whatever your view about the wisdom of going slow against Trump, it's preposterous to "whatabout" this. Under Garland's leadership, the department brought indictments against Rep. Henry Cuellar, Sen. Bob Menendez, Rep. T.J. Cox, Illinois Speaker Michael Madigan, Mayor Eric Adams (and we know how that turned out when Trump returned), Mayor Andrew Gillum, and Hunter Biden — all Democrats.

Trump's second-term Department of Justice, by contrast, has been a nonstop cavalcade of corruption, featuring blatantly political prosecutions, attempted prosecutions or investigations of Jerome Powell, Lisa Cook, Mark Kelly, Miles Taylor, Christopher Krebs, James Comey, "sandwich guy," Adam Schiff, Letitia James, Kilmar Abrego Garcia, Alex Padilla, John Brennan, John Bolton, Sean Dunn, Ras Baraka, Jacob Frey, anti-ICE protesters in Minnesota including the widow of Renee Good, and many more.

Biden made poor decisions in pardoning his family at the end, but that was trivial compared with the mass pardons for the January 6 criminals, the pardons for cronies, donors, other corrupt public figures, the firings of any official who participated in the January 6 or Mar-a-Lago investigations, the kid-glove treatment for Ghislaine Maxwell, and of course, the putrid attempt to create a $1.7 billion slush fund for so-called victims of lawfare along with a get-out-of-jail-free card for Trump and his insatiable family regarding past tax evasion.

The aptly named Blanche (because he should, but doesn't, blush) was along for all of it. He personally visited Maxwell in prison and has yet to provide an explanation for that highly unusual visit, nor for her promotion to a more comfortable prison. He was at the Department of Justice as 3,400 lawyers resigned in protest rather than engage in the kinds of unethical and unprofessional conduct Pam Bondi and Blanche were demanding. He has defended with a straight face James Comey's indictment for threatening the president with an Instagram photo of seashells.

This ethical flexibility was enough to make even some Republican senators hesitate about confirming him. But in the end, all but Collins and Murkowski voted yes, presumably because they fear that if it's not Blanche it will be someone even worse. Thus does Trump extort his party — by threatening to get even dirtier.

But this tactic only succeeds because of learned helplessness by Republican office holders. In fact, when Trump gets pushback, he backs down. Ask Iran. Or consider the first utterly horrific attorney general candidate he proposed, Matt Gaetz. Enough Republicans balked that Trump withdrew his name. He didn't nominate someone even worse after that (admittedly a tall order). He went with Pam Bondi, a smidge less awful.

It seems the tactic of standing up to Trump is just crazy enough to work. But, no, the GOP has not learned that lesson. They've chosen spinelessness instead, and even after a decade of this, I still cannot understand why.

Mona Charen is policy editor of The Bulwark and host of the "Beg to Differ" podcast. Her new book, Hard Right: The GOP's Drift Toward Extremism, is available now.

Reprinted with permission from Creators


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