Tag: trade policy
Tariffs Can Serve The Public Interest (But Not Trump's Wacky Version)

Tariffs Can Serve The Public Interest (But Not Trump's Wacky Version)

I know many people have been saying in the wake of Charlie Kirk’s killing that we have to reach out to our political opponents to lower the temperature of political debate. In that spirit, I will make a case for Donald Trump’s favorite word: tariffs.

Many of the criticisms of Trump’s tariffs have been overblown. Tariffs by themselves will not crash the economy. Tariffs are a tax; as such they pull money out of people’s pockets and leave them with less to spend.

This undoubtedly has been a major factor in the slowdown in growth in 2025. Donald Trump has unilaterally imposed the largest tax increase ever and it has had an impact on the economy.

Tariffs have been used by many countries, including the United States, to industrialize and build up key industries. This was the intention of the tariffs that Biden imposed as part of the CHIPS Act and Inflation Reduction Act. Biden wanted to build up U.S. capacity in advanced computer chips, as well as batteries, solar and wind energy and electric vehicles.

Trump’s tariffs are not in the same vein. If there is any logic to the rates assigned to different products and countries, no one has been able to untangle it. It’s clear that campaign contributions matter, as does the willingness of foreign leaders to appease Trump.

But tariffs do raise revenue. There are questions about how much revenue we need to raise. I take seriously the admonishment from the Modern Monetary Theory economists that taxes are about reducing demand in the economy, not raising revenue for a government like the United States that prints its own currency.

We can print the money we need to finance things like health care and childcare, as long as we are not pushing the economy beyond its capacities and causing inflation. But whatever the economics may be, we have to live in a reality where deficit hawks have the power to shut down any spending they decide is leading to excessively large deficits.

There are more progressive ways to raise revenue. We can raise the top marginal tax rate substantially, getting more money out of the rich while leaving the bulk of the population untouched. We can force companies to give us non-voting shares of stock in place of income tax payments. That way we could be sure that we actually collect the tax rate we target. And we can have a sales tax on stock transactions, just as we do on the sales of shoes and computers.

But insofar as we need more revenue, tariffs are not necessarily a bad place to look. Many people across the political spectrum have long argued for a value-added tax (VAT), in effect a national sales tax. The United States is one of the few wealthy countries that does not have a VAT. A VAT is undeniably regressive, low- and middle-income people pay a higher share of their income in taxes than the rich. But if it funds progressive policies, like national health care, free college, childcare and other programs that benefit the poor and middle class, the net effect could still be progressive.

Tariffs can be seen as similar to a VAT. It only taxes a subset of items; goods not services and only imported ones, but it has the advantage of being a relatively easy tax to collect. We impose the tax when goods show up at the port.

Trump has made the process more difficult by having wildly different rates on the same products from different countries and different products from the same countries. It also doesn’t help that he constantly changes the tax rates depending on how he feels and who might have gotten him angry.

Setting up a VAT would require a new administrative structure to ensure that goods get taxed at each step of the production process. This means that, for example, in the case of cars, the steel would be taxed, each part would be taxed, the tires would be taxed. The tax on all these items then would get rolled into the price of the car.

In principle, this would be the better route to go, since the same revenue could be raised with a much lower tax rate. But a uniform tariff rate of say 15 percent on all items imported from all countries would not be a terrible way to go, if it is locked in.

The impact of a 15 percent tariff would be similar to the impact of a 15 percent drop in the value of the dollar in its effect on the cost of imports. A drop in the dollar also would make U.S. exports cheaper to people in other countries, which the tariff does not, so it has less effect on the trade deficit. However, the United States and its trading partners could adjust to a tariff of 15 percent, just like they can adjust to a decline in the dollar, as long as the tariffs are not constantly changing.

For this reason, if the U.S. were to go the route of relying on an import tax as way of raising revenue it would be important to lock in the rate. That would require unambiguous legislation from Congress setting the rate with extremely limited powers for the president to alter it for short periods of time. In order to make this clear to Chief Justice John Roberts and the Supreme Court, they should probably use all caps in the legislation and incorporate the full text of the first paragraph of Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution.

There is still the issue of an import tax being regressive, but that is the same issue that arises with a VAT. The key point would be that it would be offsetting spending on health care, childcare, and education, not Donald Trump’s tax cuts for the rich and the grift by his family, friends and campaign contributors, or his ICE army. Most people would probably consider that a good deal.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

On Trump’s Trade Policy, A Democratic Echo

On Trump’s Trade Policy, A Democratic Echo

If you want to get an unanimous verdict from any gathering of economists, just ask them about Donald Trump’s trade policy. If it were a movie, its Rotten Tomatoes score would be zero. One expert analysis after another has torched it.

A report from the Becker Friedman Institute at the University of Chicago found his tariffs on washing machines cost consumers $1.5 billion, or more than $815,000 per U.S. job saved. A study for the National Bureau of Economic Research concluded that Trump’s trade war has reduced Americans’ real incomes by $1.4 billion per month.

The Tax Foundation says the new tariffs amount to a tax increase of $42 billion on Americans. A team of economists from the University of Chicago, Northwestern and Stanford estimate that tariffs and trade squabbles cut investment in U.S. manufacturing by 4.2 percent last year.

NBER notes that Trump’s tariff hikes “are unprecedented in the post-World War II era in terms of breadth, magnitude and the sizes of the countries involved.” They haven’t worked in the most basic sense. The overall trade deficit in goods, which he promised to eliminate, hit a record high last year, and the imbalance with China.

To the surprise of no economist, his policy of blocking trade, and threatening to do so, turns out to be bad for consumers, producers and the economy. So how are Democrats running for president handling the issue? By offering their own version of protectionism.

On Monday, Bernie Sanders attacked Joe Biden by saying, “I helped lead the fight against NAFTA; he voted for NAFTA.” Like Sanders, Elizabeth Warren opposed the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a mammoth free trade deal among the United States and 11 Pacific Rim nations. Both also oppose the administration’s modest revision of NAFTA, the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement.

The positions of Sanders and Warren, write Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Euijin Jung of the Peterson Institute for International Economics, “do not differ greatly from President Trump.” Among the other Democratic presidential candidates who opposed the TPP are Kamala Harris, Kirsten Gillibrand, and Amy Klobuchar.

From all this you might forget that the Pacific free trade deal was the proud achievement of Barack Obama — and was described as “the gold standard in trade agreements” by Hillary Clinton. The idea, by the way, originated with Bill Clinton when he was in the White House. You might also forget that it was Clinton who signed NAFTA and Obama who preserved it.

Biden is so far holding firm. In response to Sanders’ broadside, he said he didn’t regret voting for NAFTA. He’s a lonely voice. With the exception of Beto O’Rourke, the other Democrats who lean toward free trade, including Julian Castro, Jay Inslee, and John Hickenlooper, are relative unknowns.

But if the presidential candidates would like to move toward protectionism, their voters are not going with them. A Pew Research Center poll last year found that among Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters, 67 percent think free trade agreements have been a good thing. Only 19 percent take an unfavorable view.

By contrast, Trump has managed to convince a large share of Republicans to abandon their historic allegiance to open global commerce. Pew found that 43 percent endorse free trade deals — down from 57 percent a decade ago. A plurality of Republican and Republican-leaning voters, 46 percent, now regard free trade as a bad thing.

Among the electorate as a whole, however, 56 percent favor free trade and 30 percent oppose it. With his belligerent and destructive trade war, Trump has actually dried up support for protectionism, except in his own party.

Why are so many Democratic candidates advocating policies that are a loser not only with the public in general but with their own party faithful? The harm done by Trump’s import barriers ought to work to the advantage of the opposition. But Democrats may end up with a nominee who, on the topic of trade, is largely indistinguishable from Trump.

At best, a Sanders, Warren, or Klobuchar would be giving him a pass on one of his big vulnerabilities. At worst, they could force many moderate, independent voters to decide that on economic matters, Trump is the lesser of two evils.

Free trade should be a good fit for a party that favors liberal immigration policies, friendly relations with our neighbors, and constructive engagement with the world. Trump has done his best to hand Democrats a winning issue for 2020 and beyond. But that doesn’t mean they’ll take it.

 

Former Fed Chair Yellen Says Trump Doesn’t ‘Grasp’ Economic Policy

Former Fed Chair Yellen Says Trump Doesn’t ‘Grasp’ Economic Policy

Former Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen wasn’t renominated to a second term as the head of the U.S. central bank because President Donald Trump wanted to make his own mark on the institution — despite the fact that her replacement holds broadly similar views and she was widely seen as a steady hand at the helm of monetary policy.

And in a new interview published Monday, Yellen had critical — though measured — words about the president and his limited understanding economic policy. Speaking with MarketPlace editor Kai Ryssdal, she was asked to react to Trump’s norm-breaking vocal attacks on the current Fed Chair Jerome Powell.

“President Trump’s comments about Chair Powell and about the Fed do concern me, because if that becomes concerted, I think it does have an impact, especially if conditions in the U.S. for any reason were to deteriorate, it could undermine confidence in the Fed,” she told Ryssdal. “And I think that that would be a bad thing.”

She was also blunt in her assessment of Trump’s understanding of the Fed’s role and economic management more broadly — an area of policy in which the president believes himself to be an expert.

“Do you think the president has a grasp of macroeconomic policy?” asked Ryssdal.

“No, I do not,” said Yellen. “I doubt that he would even be able to say that the Fed’s goals are maximum employment and price stability, which are the goals that Congress has assigned to the Fed. He’s made comments about the Fed having an exchange rate objective in order to support his trade plans, or possibly targeting the U.S. balance of trade. And, you know, I think comments like that show a lack of understanding of the impact of the Fed on the economy, and appropriate policy goals.”

The former fed chair was also critical in the interview of Trump’s aggressive trade policy and liberal use of tariffs.

“I think my own view is that those shifts are likely to be adverse for the U.S. economy, to the extent that some of these things are bargaining chips, with the hope of lowering trade barriers generally,” she said. “I suppose the outcome of that, if it’s successful, could be positive …

“It’s a big ‘if,’” said Ryssdal.

“It is a big ‘if,’” Yellen replied. “And when I continually hear focus by the president and some of his advisers on remedying bilateral trade deficits with other trade partners, I think almost any economist would tell you that there’s no real meaning to bilateral trade deficits, and it’s not an appropriate objective of policy.”

She also said she would have liked to have served a second term as Fed chair and that she misses working there, though she has confidence in current chair Jerome Powell.

Read the full interview here.

IMAGE: Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen holds a news conference following the Federal Open Market Committee meeting in Washington in this file photo from September 17, 2015. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst/Files

Screwed By Trump Trade Policies, Voters May Reject Republicans

Screwed By Trump Trade Policies, Voters May Reject Republicans

Reprinted with permission from Shareblue.com.

Fear and anger continue to mount among Midwestern Republican leaders over Trump’s unfolding trade war with China. Because it is red state farmers who stand to pay a massive price for his reckless agenda.

“It’s like he’s microtargeting policy to screw his own supporters,” one frustrated GOP strategist tells Bloomberg.

“We knew this was hanging over our heads,” one Kansas farmer said. “When we heard the news, it was still just devastating to us. It’s really going to put the hammer to our price prospects.”

In fact, 12 of the 15 states that will likely take the biggest tariff hits are red states, according to a new analysis from the Brookings Institution.

On March 1, Trump announced new tariffs on foreign steel and aluminum. China responded by promising to impose a 25 percent tariff on more than 180 American products, including pork and potentially soybeans. Many of those goods are closely associated with states that backed Trump in 2016.

Now, frustrated red state Republicans are getting an up-close look at what it’s like dealing with an erratic, illogical president. Trump has insisted that trade wars are easy to win. Incredibly, he also suggested it’s farmers’ patriotic duty to take this economic hit for America.

The party’s reasonable fear is that anger over trade will suppress turnout among these traditionally loyal voters.

When Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst lamented that the White House doesn’t understand today’s global economy, that may have been one of the year’s biggest understatements. After a group of farm-state Republicans met with Trump earlier this month to spell out their concerns, none of them seemed to think anything had changed for the better.

Yet some Midwestern Republicans actually remained aligned with Trump and his trade war. In Indiana, soybean farmers will be among those who pay the highest price for Trump’s rash policies as China, one of the world’s largest soybean importers, turns off the spigot to Hoosier harvests.

Yet when asked last week if he would “side with the president or the farmers,” Rep. Todd Rokita, who is running for Senate, was clear where his loyalties lie. “Right now it’s with the president,” he openly declared.

Trump may have a friend in politicians like Rokita, who put party over country. But it’s unlikely American farmers will remain that loyal as Trump’s policies take aim at their livelihoods.

IMAGE: Grain silos are seen in Haverhill, Iowa, United States, July 18, 2015. REUTERS/Jim Young 

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