Tag: trump authoritarianism
Only In A Thugocracy Could ICE Agents Pretend To Be 'Law Enforcement'

Only In A Thugocracy Could ICE Agents Pretend To Be 'Law Enforcement'

We've seen masked government agents roughing people up, shouting obscenities at them, trapping them on freezing cold roofs, smashing their car windows, shooting pastors with pepper balls, shoving women to the ground, separating mothers from their children, and killing an unarmed American citizen as she attempted to maneuver her car away, dog in the backseat and glove compartment overflowing with colorful stuffed animals.

Why was Renee Good executed in cold blood? Because, our jefe explained, "that woman was very, very disrespectful to law enforcement." That's a lie, as the 80% of Americans who watched the video can attest. Her last words were, "I'm not mad at you." But even if it were true, we live in a country that protects speech — even disrespectful speech — above nearly all other things. That means a person cannot be penalized — say, pulled over or denied a government benefit — for exercising their First Amendment rights. And oh, yes, it certainly means that they cannot be murdered by the state for being disrespectful. You know where that can happen? In places like Venezuela, Iran, Russia, and China — countries ruled by thugs.

Before Good's body was cold, before a single question had been asked in any investigation, the Secretary of Homeland Security declared her to be a "domestic terrorist" and asserted that she was attempting to run down the officer who killed her. Having blamed and defamed the victim, the administration next attempted to investigate and perhaps prosecute her widow while blocking inquiries into the ICE agent who pulled the trigger and then pronounced her a "f—-ing bitch." Six Department of Justice lawyers resigned rather than participate in that travesty, which is not nothing. Add their names to the roll of honor that also includes the 10 lawyers who resigned rather than drop the case against Eric Adams, and the more than 5,000 officials who have quit the Justice Department in the past year.

The battle against thugocracy is being fought on many fronts — by Fed Chairman Jerome Powell, who called out the president for his blatantly political persecution by prosecution; by the Republican legislators in Indiana, who rebuffed Trump's demand that they redistrict midcycle; by Jimmy Kimmel, who refused to be cowed; by the millions who showed up for No Kings rallies; by the five Republican senators who voted to invoke the War Powers Resolution over the Venezuela attack; by the judges who have ruled against Trump's usurpations of power; by the voters who turned out in 2025.

It's not yet clear who's winning. Every day, judges are issuing rulings expressing their disgust and alarm at the immoral and illegal actions of this administration. It cannot be emphasized too often that respect for the law is the ballgame. When that goes, there is no republic to preserve.

So consider the words of Judge Gary Brown, a Trump appointee, concerning ICE's treatment of detainees. This decision was issued just before Christmas.

The case concerned a Jamaican immigrant named Erron Anthony Clarke, who entered the country legally in 2018 on an H-2B visa. Clarke does not dispute that he overstayed his visa (which is not a crime), but, as Judge Brown noted, he has never been accused of committing any other offense — no violence, no drug use, no arrests — and has since married an American citizen and sought to adjust his immigration status to permanent residency on that basis. Should he have been deported? Some might say so. But that is not what the case turned on. It was the conditions in which ICE is detaining people.

After he was arrested, Clarke was placed in a "hold room" meant to temporarily house one person. Judge Brown recorded the conditions: "Nine men locked in a putrid ... cell containing an open toilet." They were held "day after day, without access to bunks, bedding, soap, showers, toothbrushes or clean clothes."

ICE's own regulations, along with numerous judicial rulings and simple decency, require that detainees be provided with soap, toothbrushes and toothpaste, sanitary napkins for women, clothing, and humane conditions. ICE provided none of those. Another detainee, cited by Judge Brown, offered similar testimony, noting that when detainees slept, they had to lie around the toilet.

Most Americans would not let their pets stay overnight in such conditions.

Last year, 32 people died in ICE custody, exceeding any yearly total since 2004 — including the pandemic years. ProPublica found that at least 170 American citizens have been caught in ICE dragnets and spent time in detention without access to a phone or a lawyer for hours and sometimes days.

Judge Brown may yet hold officials in contempt. He closed with these words:

"After nearly 35 years of experience with federal law enforcement ... encompassing service as a prosecutor and a judge, I have never encountered anything like this. ICE's seeming disregard of procedural requisites, combined with the chillingly brutal conditions of confinement to which Petitioner has been, and presumably would continue to be subjected, cries out for immediate remedy."

Judge Brown no doubt has a legal remedy in mind, but the enduring remedy can only be political.

Mona Charen is policy editor of The Bulwark and host of the "Beg to Differ" podcast. Her new book, Hard Right: The GOP's Drift Toward Extremism, is available now.

Reprinted with permission from Creators


By Targeting Powell, Pirro Didn't 'Go Rogue' -- She's The Tip Of Trump Spear

By Targeting Powell, Pirro Didn't 'Go Rogue' -- She's The Tip Of Trump Spear

White House officials are reportedly experiencing “significant frustration” and “heaping blame” on U.S. attorney and former Fox News host Jeanine Pirro over the firestorm surrounding her office’s criminal probe of Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, which drew severe backlash this week from Republican members of Congress and a broad spectrum of right-wing media. But it would be a mistake to treat Pirro’s nakedly pretextual bid to punish Powell and curtail the Fed’s independence as the actions of a rogue actor — she is a committed Trumpist operative carrying out President Donald Trump’s instructions to use state power to punish his enemies.

Trump has made clear that he wants federal prosecutors and investigators (and indeed, all administration officials) to forcefully wield their authority against people and entities who defy him. Pirro’s actions against Powell — whether she acted on orders from above or her own initiative — are fully in keeping with that assignment. Indeed, she has the job in the first place in no small part because she was in the vanguard of Trumpist media figures calling for criminal charges against Trump’s foes during her Fox tenure.

Trump reportedly “criticized a group of U.S. attorneys at a White House event last week, calling them weak and complaining they weren’t moving fast enough to prosecute his favored targets.” Pirro, who was present at the event, is surely doing whatever she can to remain on his good list.

Pirro’s Powell probe followed years of Trump invective targeting the Fed chair and came amid his threats of legal action, and the president has repeatedly defended the probe this week. Pirro’s office is also reportedly investigating Democratic legislators who released a video urging service members and intelligence officers not to follow illegal orders, which Trump characterized as “SEDITIOUS BEHAVIOR, punishable by DEATH!”

And she does not shrink from critics who say she is overseeing politicized investigations. On Tuesday night, Pirro went on Fox host and chief Trump propagandist Sean Hannity’s show (one of the president’s favorite watches) to not only defend her pursuit of Powell but to blast Republican legislators who have taken issue with it.

..These actions are exactly what the president wants to see from his underlings.

Trump ran on “retribution” and assembled a team eager to protect his interests and target his political foes, including loyalists like Pirro, Attorney General Pam Bondi and her deputy, Todd Blanche, Pardon Attorney Ed Martin, and FBI Director Kash Patel. Less than a year into his tenure, the Justice Department has pursued cases at the president’s behest against a litany of Trump foils, including former FBI Director James Comey, New York Attorney General Letitia James, and Sen. Adam Schiff (D-CA).

Trump wants these cases brought, so more are coming. There’s a Trumpist U.S. attorney in Miami reportedly pursuing an absurd but sprawling investigation into the right-wing fantasy that former President Barack Obama led a “deep state” conspiracy against Trump; a newly-announced assistant attorney general post slated to purportedly target fraud under the president’s direct oversight, which could be a vehicle to go after Democratic governors like Minnesota’s Tim Walz and California’s Gavin Newsom; and a broad, all-of-government effort to criminalize progressive groups and their funders by smearing them as domestic terrorists.

But Trump needs prosecutors willing to do his dirty work; several have preferred to resign or be fired rather than pursue such weak and pretextual efforts. He surely knows from watching her on television over the years that in Pirro, he has a loyalist who won’t say no.

Pirro, a former judge and prosecutor who joined Fox after a failed 2006 U.S. Senate bid, emerged during the 2016 campaign as one of the most abjectly sycophantic Trump fanatics on TV — which made the president a regular viewer of her Saturday evening show. She spent much of his first presidency as a key cog in the right-wing media machine that encouraged the president to target his political foes through authoritarian tactics.

Pirro made headlines by demanding a “cleansing” of the FBI and DOJ, with the purportedly disloyal to be “taken out in handcuffs,” and spuriously accused Democrats like Hillary Clinton of various crimes. She lobbied for the ouster of then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions, calling for his dismissal on Fox and lashing out at his tenure to Trump in the White House, over Sessions’ unwillingness to turn Foxy fantasies into criminal indictments. Her support of Trumpian voter fraud conspiracy theories following the 2020 election led to her brief removal from Fox’s airwaves — and to her executive producer describing her as a “reckless maniac.”

The Fox host did show some concern about the prospect of prosecutorial overreach — when she perceived it as harming Trump’s interests. Pirro described Trump’s conviction by a New York jury as the result of “warfare” (because “lawfare is far too soft” a term) and suggested it could spark “a revolution” because it “was not a case that should've been brought.” She also suggested that the FBI agents searching Mar-A-Lago may have “wanted” to “engage in deadly physical force,” and said that the lack of media coverage of Hunter Biden’s laptop meant that “we are living in a fascist state.”

Pirro’s “blind obedience to President Trump,” as Schiff put it, was readily observable when her nomination came up for a Senate vote in August — but Republicans voted in lockstep for her confirmation. Now Republican senators like Thom Tillis (R-NC) and Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) are saying that the Powell probe goes too far — but as with Sen. Bill Cassidy’s (R-LA) criticism of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy’s antivax moves, they’ve already yielded their strongest card by supporting the nomination in the first place.

The probes of Powell and Democratic legislators won’t be Pirro’s last investigations into the president’s foes. She seems more likely to end up a special counsel focused solely on such cases than drummed out of government for excessive partisanship. Her Fox catalog may hint at future targets, from Democratic governors who won’t comply with ICE to FBI and DOJ officials purportedly engaged in “election interference” against the president to the undocumented immigrants she says should be “presum[ed]” as violent criminals.

None of this is to say that Pirro’s authoritarian pursuit of the president’s critics will succeed — her relevant legal experience is decades old, and cases brought by her office have sputtered before D.C. juries at an historic rate. But she has the job because Trump knows that unlike more honorable federal prosecutors, she will keep trying.

Unprecedented: Prosecutors Resign Over Trump's ICE Shooting Coverup

Unprecedented: Prosecutors Resign Over Trump's ICE Shooting Coverup

The stunning resignations on Monday of four senior career officials from the Criminal Section of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division confirm that DOJ has gone profoundly off the rails in its handling of what increasingly appears to be one of the gravest excessive-force cases in decades.

The resignations, an ultimate eloquent gesture, reportedly had multiple causes. The central one was the sidelining of the Criminal Section from the investigation of the January 7 fatal shooting of Renee Nicole Good by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent Jonathan Ross.

In any normal, professionally run Department of Justice—Democratic or Republican—a shooting that looks this serious on its face would trigger a searching civil-rights investigation by the Criminal Section, the Department’s longstanding unit for prosecuting unlawful uses of force. That has been true whether the assailant was a state officer, as in Rodney King, or—more rarely—a federal one, as at Ruby Ridge. (I served in the Department during both and worked on the King case, and I’ll be writing about some of the lessons from that case in coming Substack pieces.)

ICE has steadfastly maintained that the shooting was justified because Ross reasonably believed that Good was attempting to run him over. But multiple bystander videos and visual analyses have seriously undermined that self-serving account. I put the point in that lawyerly, hedged way because, for present purposes, it is more than enough to establish beyond any cavil that this case demands the most thorough investigation the federal government can muster.

That is the very opposite of what happened here.

First, the highest government officials circled the wagons around Ross. Donald Trump and Vice President J.D. Vance defended the agent’s actions and suggested that Good bore responsibility for her own death. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem labeled the incident “domestic terrorism,” a characterization that has been widely questioned. Trump himself made inaccurate claims that Good had “run over” the ICE officer, which video evidence contradicts.

At the same time, leadership of the Civil Rights Division, under Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon, informed the Criminal Section that it would not be investigating the case at all—a spectacular departure from past practice. Multiple career prosecutors offered to go to the scene but were told not to.

It was like a fire chief watching smoke pour from a burning building and ordering the crew not to respond, even as firefighters volunteered to go in.

The resigning officials, then, were not merely objecting to a particular judgment call. In effect, they were saying that if the Criminal Section does not have jurisdiction over a case like this, its role has been reduced to near irrelevance.

DOJ instead assigned the investigation to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Minnesota. But that office lacks the expertise, experience, and institutional stature to undertake an inquiry that goes to ICE’s core mission and legitimacy.

Nor is the broader context hard to discern. A serious civil-rights investigation—or worse, a criminal prosecution—would cut directly against the administration’s signature priority: an aggressive, high-visibility immigration enforcement campaign in which forceful tactics are treated as proof of resolve rather than excess. Calling this shooting into question would not merely implicate one agent; it would threaten the legitimacy of a brute-force enforcement regime that is Trump’s pride and joy. And it would come at a moment when the president is reportedly already furious with Attorney General Pam Bondi and senior immigration officials over perceived softness and setbacks.

There is also a more calculating dimension to the assignment. Even if toothless, a federal investigation provides a ready rationale for declining parallel inquiries and resisting cooperation.

That concern is not theoretical. Federal authorities reversed an initial plan for a joint investigation with Minnesota officials, shifting the probe to exclusive FBI control and cutting off the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension from evidence and access. State officials—including Attorney General Keith Ellison and Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty—have said publicly that this move hamstrung their ability to conduct an independent investigation.

Minnesota responded Monday with a lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security, ICE, and senior federal officials seeking to block the massive immigration enforcement surge in the Twin Cities. The complaint characterizes the deployment of more than 2,000 armed agents as an “invasion” and alleges unlawful tactics—warrantless stops and arrests in sensitive locations, racial profiling, and unconstitutional conduct that has disrupted daily life and eroded public safety. It further asserts that the campaign bears no genuine connection to its stated goals and instead reflects a retaliatory pattern of federal action aimed at Minnesota because of its political leadership and demographics.

This case is shaping up to be a scandal along the lines of the January 6 pardons and the reprisal prosecutions. Wherever its investigation is housed, it cannot be credible while it remains under the political control of an administration that has already pre-judged the case—publicly, loudly, and at the highest levels.

The feds’ normal response in a case of this gravity would be to assign the Criminal Section to conduct a vigorous, independent investigation, working in cooperation with state authorities and following the facts wherever they lead. The second defensible option would be to step aside in favor of the state, which has its own compelling interest in enforcing criminal law and protecting its citizens. Instead of either option, federal authorities are choosing to hamstring meaningful scrutiny and insulate possibly grave criminal conduct from accountability. That path is unprecedented and indefensible.

Excessive force by officers is not new. What is novel for the United States is the use of federal power afterward to stifle investigation and shield wrongdoing. That turn—from lethal force to enforced impunity—is an abuse of authority and a hallmark of authoritarian governance.

Harry Litman is a former United States Attorney and the executive producer and host of the Talking Feds podcast. He has taught law at UCLA, Berkeley, and Georgetown and served as a deputy assistant attorney general in the Clinton Administration. Please consider subscribing to Talking Feds on Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Talking Feds.

If You Love Democracy, Prepare Now To Defend Free Elections In 2026

If You Love Democracy, Prepare Now To Defend Free Elections In 2026

Democrats and other democracy well-wishers are spilling gallons of ink and a profusion of pixels on the question of whether ending the government shutdown was a blunder or not. I submit that either way, it won't matter very much if at all in 12 months — and the 2026 elections are where our attention needs to pivot right now.

After the most depressing year in American politics of my lifetime, the 2025 election results were like a defibrillator shock to a moribund body. The landslide percentages achieved by Abigail Spanberger and Mikie Sherrill; the record-smashing turnout in New York City; the huge Democratic gains in the Virginia House of Delegates; the sweep of three state supreme court seats in Pennsylvania; the lopsided results in obscure Georgia races, like for the public service commission; and the success of the California redistricting plan (a response to Texas' naked gerrymander) all point to the fact that the electorate — unlike CEOs, partners in major law firms, university presidents and media companies — is not surrendering to President Donald Trump.

Coming on the heels of the massive No Kings demonstrations across the nation, last week's elections are reminders that voters are the final bulwark against despotism.

Of course, these races should not be overinterpreted. Democrats tend to turn out in greater numbers for off-year contests than Republicans; the GOP's Virginia gubernatorial candidate was off-putting; and Democrats ran disciplined campaigns. But the biggest drag on Republicans was something that felled Kamala Harris and is unlikely to change markedly by this time next year: prices remain high. Millions of non-MAGA voters supported Trump because they believed his promise to restore the 2019 economy. That he cannot do, and wouldn't be able to accomplish even if he refrained from the boneheaded tariffs that are his delight.

Over the course of the past year, the question I've had the most difficulty responding to was also the one that was most often asked: What can I, as a citizen, do to counter this descent into authoritarianism? The No Kings rallies were one answer. The 2025 elections were another. And now, the next step is coming into focus.

The Trump team will also certainly attempt to rig the midterm elections while falsely claiming the elections are rigged against Trump. They have already begun. The mid-decade gerrymanders that the president has demanded of red states are a brazen effort to skew election results. It's Trump's style to do the corrupt things openly, so that they almost seem above board.

A president who pulled every lever, jiggled every handle and applied every kind of pressure he could think of, up to and including inciting a riot to prevent his successor from taking office deserves no benefit of the doubt about what he might attempt in 2026. Let's not forget that Trump entertained the possibility of using the military to confiscate ballot boxes in close states.

Still perseverating about the "stolen" 2020 election, Trump is already posting on Truth Social that he detects similar fraud in 2026: "No mail-in or 'Early' Voting, Yes to Voter ID!" he wrote. "Watch how totally dishonest the California Prop Vote is! Millions of Ballots being 'shipped.' GET SMART REPUBLICANS, BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE!!!"

The Justice Department sent "monitors" to polling sites in California and New Jersey, which may have been nothing, or it may have been a dry run for deploying large numbers of federal officials to intimidate voters. Since 2020, Trump has been able to install election deniers in key federal posts, most importantly as attorney general, and has created a new, MAGA-inflected paramilitary force in ICE. It is no stretch to imagine ICE agents snatching people from voting queues and thereby deterring U.S. citizens who speak with an accent or have dark skin from exercising their right to vote. God knows, they've already pulled any number of citizens into their unmarked vehicles and held them for hours.

Everyone can participate in the pushback. Thankfully, elections are local and state affairs, not federal, which means the Trump administration has limited power to interfere with the way votes are cast. Still, leave nothing to chance. Sign up to be an election worker. The turnover rate has increased since 2020, with 2 in 5 election workers leaving the job. Contact groups concerned with election integrity, like Protect Democracy, the Campaign Legal Center, the Brennan Center for Justice, the NAACP, States United Democracy Center, Society for the Rule of Law (especially if you have a law degree) or the Fair Elections Center. Contact your state representatives and senators to inquire about funding for election security measures. File Freedom of Information Act requests as American Oversight has done to discover if the Trump administration is preparing military or other deployments at election time next year.

We've witnessed what unified Republican control of the government has meant over the past 11 months. Winning back the House and, who knows, maybe even the Senate, is the whole ballgame now.

Mona Charen is policy editor of The Bulwark and host of the "Beg to Differ" podcast. Her new book, Hard Right: The GOP's Drift Toward Extremism, is available now.

Reprinted with permission from Creators


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