Tag: trump corruption
Looting America: Trump's Corruption At The Point Of No Return

Looting America: Trump's Corruption At The Point Of No Return

So the Trump administration is creating a $1.776 billion slush fund — 1776, get it? — to pay off victims of “lawfare and weaponization.” Just to be clear, if you’re a U.S. taxpayer, this action means that almost $1.8 billion of your money will be handed out to whomever a panel appointed by Donald Trump decides to reward. The beneficiaries are likely to include January 6 insurrectionists, as well as Trump, his family, and his allies.

Few things shock me these days, but this development — in which a Justice Department that works for Trump is paying a vast sum to “settle” a lawsuit brought by Trump himself — is a new nadir in self-dealing, further revealing Trump’s utter contempt for the American people.

Now, massive corruption on the part of Trump and his minions isn’t new. But the shamelessness of this latest episode of looting takes it to a new level. Until now, we’ve seen a combination of crony capitalism and insider trading. Plutocrats and corporations have been enriching Trump through back channels, especially crypto, in return for government contracts and policy favors, while Trump himself and people close to Trump have been making hugely profitable market bets thanks to advance knowledge of government policies.

But now Trump has eliminated the middlemen, effectively telling his officials to pay money directly to him or anyone else he favors.

Granted, we already knew that Trump was, by orders of magnitude, the most corrupt president in U.S. history. But now Trump is the most explicitly corrupt leader in today’s world. After all, Vladimir Putin has obviously stolen billions, but never this brazenly. Even Third World dictators normally try to mask their corruption.

Don’t say that this taxpayer-financed slush fund won’t have political consequences.

On the contrary, the polling and focus-group analyses I’ve seen say that voters are very angry about corruption. Trump’s theft of taxpayer money, while people are losing healthcare coverage and food aid while suffering from Trump-induced higher prices, is perfect fodder for the Democrats in the upcoming elections.

So we should ask ourselves why the Trumpists have abandoned all restraint. There have been many corrupt politicians in U.S. history – although they were pikers in comparison to Trump. Yet they at least attempted to hide their corruption, or at least keep it discreet and deniable, in order to avoid a voter backlash.

I would argue that the blatant nature of the new looting is a signpost of where America under Trumpism is heading in the months and years ahead.

It’s true that Trump has a base that will support him no matter what, in many cases literally believing that he has been chosen by God. This puts a floor under this support. But his disastrous recent polling, as Nate Cohn writes in the Times, suggest that this floor may be lower than many thought.

Now, we already know that Trump and his allies have no intention of facing free and fair elections. With the unstinting help of the Roberts Supreme Court, they have already rigged the midterms through redistricting. Trump minions are actively trying to depress Democratic-leaning voter turnout, by demanding from states the right to challenge their voting rolls. And it would be naïve to think that redistricting will be the end of the MAGA effort to undermine democracy.

Still, Trump is aware that, even with Republican gerrymandering, November may deliver a blue wave big enough to hand Democrats the House and, quite possibly the Senate. G. Elliott Morris estimates that Democrats will need a 4-point popular vote advantage to win the House, but the latest Times poll gives them an 11 point lead. Why, then, isn’t he trying to be at least slightly discreet in his corruption?

One answer is that even if MAGA loses big in November, Democrats can’t count on wave elections every cycle, and the field is now strongly tilted against them. As Morris writes.

While the situation for Democrats is not necessarily dire for 2026, the situation for democracy in 2028 and beyond certainly is.

So you can think of the $1.8 billion slush fund as a promise to MAGA-world that there is a payoff to be had if they just stick with him for the next two and a half years.

Beyond that, we are, in effect, watching what happens when a quasi-authoritarian regime’s corruption and criminality pass the point of no return.

At this point Trump and his MAGA minions have stolen so much, committed so many crimes — not just theft but taking America to war illegally, abusing ICE detainees, and much more — that if and when they lose power many of them will face personal ruin at best, years of jail time at worst. This would happen even if they stopped committing more crimes.

So there’s no incentive for them to end their criminality, or to end the attempts to bribe others to go along. Either they succeed in destroying America as we know it, or they won’t. And until that’s resolved, they may as well engage in even more corruption and criminal acts.

Think of it this way: The gravity of what the Trumpists have already done has created a sort of black hole at the center of American political life — and the Trumpists have already crossed the event horizon, the boundary beyond which there is no escape. So they will do ever more terrible things, because they have nothing more to lose.

Paul Krugman is a Nobel Prize-winning economist and former professor at MIT and Princeton who now teaches at the City University of New York's Graduate Center. From 2000 to 2024, he wrote a column for The New York Times. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Paul Krugman.

Insider Trading? Thousands Of Stock Transactions Detail Trump's Market Grift

Insider Trading? Thousands Of Stock Transactions Detail Trump's Market Grift

Rarely does President Donald Trump evoke bipartisan applause while delivering a State of the Union address, but he inspired just such a moment last February -- when he called out former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi over her husband’s history of stock trading.

"As we ensure that all Americans can profit from a rising stock market, let's also make sure that members of Congress cannot corruptly profit from using insider information," said Trump as members of both parties stood to applaud.

While Republicans and Democrats in both houses have long invested in markets, with some banking huge profits from such dubious trades, it is Pelosi who has endured the most flak. Republican members named a bill to restrict Congressional stock trades after her: the Preventing Elected Leaders from Owning Securities and Investments or PELOSI Act. During that speech a smirking Trump urged the former Speaker to stand up and demanded that Congress “pass the Stop Insider Trading Act without delay.”

Yet neither that bill nor any other reform legislation would have stopped the eye-popping orgy of recent stock trades by none other than Trump himself, with thousands of individual market transactions on his account revealed this week in disclosure documents. A new filing with the Office of Government Ethics, released on May 14, showed more than 3500 specific trades in Trump’s name during the first quarter of 2026, with a value between $220 million and $750 million. represents by far the largest series of securities transactions by a sitting president in American history.

As one observer noted on X, that adds up to 60 trades per day, while he issues executive orders, talks with foreign leaders, shifts tariffs, and gives policy directives that directly affect the value of his holdings.

Former White House ethics counsel Richard Painter told Forbes magazine that he had researched the financial history of every preceding chief executive. “I don’t think we’ve had any president trade in the stock market.” Previous presidents had blind trusts with index funds, if they owned any stocks at all.

What outraged ethics experts was not just the volume of Trump’s market activity, but the obvious overlaps between his actions and policies and the equities that he bought and sold. Although it is impossible to determine exactly how much he may have profited from what looks suspiciously like insider trading – exactly the crime he accused the Pelosis of perpetrating – there can be little doubt that he has made millions.

Not long before he delivered that State of the Union slap at Pelosi, Trump bought somewhere between $1 million and $5 million in Dell Computers stock. Then on May 8, less than three months later, he gave a public speech at the White House where he urged “everyone” to “go out and buy and Dell,” driving the company’s stock to an all-time high. Since he bought Dell stock in February it has gone up a whopping 96 percent.

Around the same time, Trump bought a big chunk of Nvidia stock, just before that firm announced a big chip agreement with Meta,and then purchased still more Nvidia a week before the Commerce Department permitted the sale of the company’s chips to Saudi Arabia. Ironically, Nvidia was among the stocks whose purchase by Paul Pelosi provoked Republican outrage, which he later sold before its value rose astronomically.

Praising such companies as Palantir and Intel on his social media platform has similarly inflated their stocks after he bought chunks for his account.

Trump increased his Palantir holdings just as the Pentagon and the Department of Homeland Security were awarding billion-dollar contracts to the company, whose principal shareholder is the fascist-curious, Trump-backing billionaire Peter Thiel.

During the same period, Trump invested hundreds of thousands of dollars in Robinhood, the financial technology firm. News reports indicate that those purchases occurred as the Treasury Department named Robinhood as the brokerage and trustee for the federally funded “Trump Accounts” to be set up for American kids. Those children don’t stand to earn much, but never mind -- Trump will do very well.

The list of sleazy transactions goes on and on, with many more examples no doubt to be unearthed in months to come. The response from the White House and the Trump family echoes their usual “move along, nothing to see here” refrain. Don Junior recently complained that charges of rampant corruption against his father were “getting old.” And it is true that the crooked misconduct dates back to the first Trump administration; it is simply more widespread, more encompassing, and more brazen now.

At least it would be better if the family and the administration flacks could get their stories straight. Eric Trump says that his family’s stock holdings are exclusively in broad market indexes like the Schwab 1000, a claim belied by Trump’s own filings, which show thousands of individual trades. Meanwhile, a White House spokesman told Fortune that all of Trump’s assets are in a trust “managed by his children” with no conflicts of interest, another obvious contradiction.

The Trumps – and the Kushners, and many others associated with the First Family – have gaslighted the American public with such bogus “explanations” of their grift-gorging for many years. Everybody in the Trump circle, including Cabinet officers such as Secretary of State Marco Rubio, has long known that the president is a crook. Out of cowardice and personal ambition they have turned away from challenging his self-enrichment. The public, too, has largely ignored Trump’s corruption, believing that “both parties do it,” and there is plainly some basis for that cynicism.

But the scale of Trump’s exploitation of public resources, his incessant stealing with both hands, is exponentially worse than any theft previously perpetrated by Democrats or Republicans. At a time when voters expected this president to look out for their pocketbooks, he does nothing but stuff his own, plundering them and profiting hugely. Polls suggest that they have at last begun to notice – and don’t like what they see.

Joe Conason is founder and editor-in-chief of The National Memo. He is also editor-at-large of Type Investigations, a nonprofit investigative reporting organization formerly known as The Investigative Fund. His latest book is The Longest Con: How Grifters, Swindlers and Frauds Hijacked American Conservatism (St. Martin's Press, 2024). The paperback version, with a new Afterword, is now available wherever books are sold.

Scam! Why Blanche Is Rushing To Settle Trump's Bogus $10 Billion IRS Lawsuit

Scam! Why Blanche Is Rushing To Settle Trump's Bogus $10 Billion IRS Lawsuit

I recently wrote a long piece explaining the greater importance of what looked like a routine briefing order in Trump’s $10 billion lawsuit against the IRS.

The order signaled that Judge Kathleen Williams of the Southern District of Florida was on to the administration’s scam of letting friends and allies—and maybe Trump himself—scoop up large sums of money from the treasury under the pretense of settling lawsuits that weren’t really lawsuits at all, as the court and constitution use the term.Instead, they are collusive schemes in which the United States has “jumped the v.” By that I mean that the administration has cozied up to nasty characters that the previous DOJ had charged. And they may be poised to do it on a much larger scale, including the worst January 6 offenders whose convictions they recently wiped away.

A paradigm case is the recent “settlement” with Michael Flynn. Flynn pleaded guilty twice, Merrick Garland’s DOJ won the motion to dismiss his civil suit, and Blanche’s DOJ then turned around and paid him $1.25 million anyway—unabashedly calling it a remedy for “historic injustice.” The government had already won. It paid anyway. That’s the scheme in miniature: jump the v, shake hands across the caption, and invite your pal to help himself to federal tax dollars.

The New York Times report suggests the DOJ is scrambling to settle Trump’s lawsuit against the IRS before its brief is due in Judge Williams’s court. The report raises the prospect of a relatively lowball settlement, for example, a promise to Trump that the IRS won’t audit him or his businesses going forward, and perhaps a little cash. (Note, however, that in Trump’s case, that would be worth quite a lot; a 2024 Times report found that a pending audit loss could cost Trump more than $100 million.)

Don’t let the supposed modesty of the settlement distract you. The real point of the deal is to get Todd Blanche and the DOJ out of the tight corner Williams has put them in. The low amount is to make it look palatable. It isn’t, but for different reasons.

Yes, Trump filed a $10 billion lawsuit against the IRS in January—a grandiose number premised on a real underlying wrong: Charles Littlejohn, a former IRS contractor, stole Trump’s tax returns and delivered them to The New York Times and ProPublica. Littlejohn pleaded guilty and went to prison for five years.

So unlike, for example, the Flynn lawsuit, the problem here wasn’t that the whole suit was bogus. The privacy violation was genuine. The problem, though, is that Trump was suing the government he presides over and controls with an iron fist.

For that reason, the case—filed by Trump against an agency he controls, defended by a DOJ that exists to do his bidding—is not a bona fide lawsuit in the constitutional sense. The Constitution requires a genuine case or controversy with parties on opposite sides. Here, the two parties are rowing in precisely the same direction and under Trump’s command.That’s the point that gave Judge Williams pause, and led her to order briefing on, among other questions, “whether a case and controversy exists in this matter.” Moreover, she appointed a gold-plated set of legal talent to present the other side that neither Trump nor the DOJ could be counted on to do.

That put Blanche and the DOJ firmly between a rock and a hard place. Blanche cannot credibly claim the DOJ stands in genuine opposition to Trump: his entire tenure as Acting AG has been a demonstration of the opposite. But he also cannot concede the court lacks jurisdiction, because that unravels not just this case but the Flynn settlement and every other collusive arrangement the administration has quietly stitched together (including, according to a letter Democratic Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland sent Blanche on Tuesday, many awards to Trump-friendly FBI agents without even going through the farce of a lawsuit.) Either answer is ruinous.

Blanche has apparently hit on a third option: turn tail and run.

The Times piece reports that the DOJ is holding internal discussions about settling the case “in the coming days,” citing three people familiar with the deliberations.

This is for a case in which the government has yet to enter an appearance or answer Trump’s complaint, and in which it previously asked for 90 days to do so. The “coming days” is the obvious reveal that it’s Judge Williams’s May 20 deadline that is driving the department’s deliberations. The deliberations have nothing to do with the merits or strategy of the case, and everything to do with avoiding the patent embarrassment of having to respond to the court.

The real prize here is escape. Escape from Judge Williams’s courtroom, from the amici she appointed, and from the likely determination that the lawsuit never presented a genuine case or controversy under Article III at all. Rather, from the jump, the case was a sham, as was the Flynn settlement and other contrived rewards to Trump’s friends.

There’s a certain irony here. The point of the lawsuit was to treat the federal court as a spot to launder a collusive deal and gain a judicial imprimatur. Now that a judge is actually doing her job, actually probing whether the whole enterprise is constitutionally void, they want to withdraw.

Williams’s hands are largely tied if the parties simply settle or withdraw before she rules. There would be nothing left on her docket to oversee. Even so, she can call it out for what it is, and receive the briefs the amici are preparing. That spotlight matters greatly in itself. And now that she’s called attention to the government’s corrupt and unconstitutional maneuvers, other judges will have occasion to pick it up in other cases.

So keep your eyes on the calendar. If a settlement materializes before May 21st—before the amici file, before Williams gets her answer—you’ll know exactly what it means. It means the DOJ assessed its options and opted to run for cover, hoping nobody notices. It means they are scared of their own shadow, and the shadow of the Constitution.

Harry Litman is a former United States Attorney and the executive producer and host of the Talking Feds podcast. He has taught law at UCLA, Berkeley, and Georgetown and served as a deputy assistant attorney general in the Clinton Administration. Please consider subscribing to Talking Feds on Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Talking Feds.

Payoff: Duffy's 'Great American Road Trip' Show Funded By Firms He Regulates

Payoff: Duffy's 'Great American Road Trip' Show Funded By Firms He Regulates

President Donald Trump’s Fox News obsession frequently yields outcomes that are difficult to directly explain without sounding crazy. But even by those low standards, this one is a doozy.

Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, one of more than two dozen Fox alums Trump has nominated or appointed to senior administration posts, announced in a Friday appearance on the network that he had teamed up with his wife Rachel Campos-Duffy, a current Fox host, to produce The Great American Road Trip, a reality TV show that they had filmed driving across the country with their children.

Naturally, the Fox & Friends hosts helped roll it out, yukking it up with their current and former colleagues and telling them that “you’re inspiring us” to take road trips of their own.

The Duffys largely fielded questions like, “Sean, as transportation secretary, I assume this was your idea,” and “one of the coolest things [you did was] in Philadelphia, the Rocky steps, running up the Rocky steps,” and “what does the president say when you walk in with all nine of the children?”

At one point, though, Ainsley Earhardt accidentally committed journalism. When she jokingly asked, “Is this a taste of a possible reality show for y’all one day,” Campos-Duffy revealed that “reality TV people” often come to them asking to “do a show with your family,” and that they decided to “do this one for free.”

In other words, the show they shot while Sean Duffy was a public employee serves as a brand-building exercise for future for-profit endeavors.

Earhardt, Griff Jenkins, and Brian Kilmeade offered no suggestion that it was unusual or untoward for a cabinet secretary — one also assigned at times the duties of administrator of NASA — to spend extensive time shooting a reality TV show during what Duffy described as “over the course of seven months.”

The trio also offered no questions about who paid for the show. When actual journalists looked into it, they discovered that its production is funded via a nonprofit and that “several of the show’s sponsors — including Boeing, Toyota, Shell, Royal Caribbean Group and United Airlines — are companies that Duffy’s department oversees and regulates.”

And of course, no one at Fox cares that one of their hosts was shooting government propaganda films in her spare time.

Fox has apparently run out of journalistic norms to destroy — so they’re creating new ones.

Reprinted with permission from Media Matters

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