Tag: trump midterms
Ron DeSantis

Virginia Redistricting: The Case For Democratic Gerrymandering

Virginia is for lovers—of democracy.

On Tuesday, Virginians will vote on whether to temporarily suspend the state’s bipartisan redistricting commission and allow Democrats to redraw its congressional map. Polls suggest the ballot measure will pass. And if that happens, Republicans would likely lose four House seats, leaving them with just one of the state’s 11. That makes for just nine percent of seats in a state where the GOP regularly wins about 44 percent of the statewide popular vote.

Put simply, Virginia will go from having a very fair map to a very biased one. So how is that good for democracy? Because Republicans have rigged maps across the country for decades, skewing the House’s overall partisan makeup, and Virginia’s proposed map would be merely a minor corrective.

In general, congressional delegations tend to be biased in Republicans’ favor. Among states with at least five House seats, there are five where Republicans regularly receive less than 50 percent of the statewide vote but hold a majority of that state’s House delegation: Arizona, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

There is not one state where the same is true for Democrats.

Most House maps are skewed to benefit Republicans

The difference between the Republican Party's share of a state's current House seats and the party's average share of that state's vote in recent statewide elections, among states with at least five seats

Statewide elections used in the average include the 2016, 2020, and 2024 presidential elections, as well as the state's most recent Senate election and gubernatorial election. Special elections are excluded. For states with ranked choice voting, the most recent election with a Republican and a Democrat in the final round of voting is used.Table: Andrew ManganSource: Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections; House of Representatives/Created with Datawrapper

The worst offender may be Wisconsin. Republicans hold 75 percent of the Badger State’s House districts but have won an average of just 48 percent of the vote in the state’s past three presidential elections and its most recent Senate race and gubernatorial race. At least in Virginia, Democrats routinely win a majority of the statewide vote.

Wisconsin’s skewed map is the result of more than a decade of Republican graft, and its effects have been especially egregious in years when Democrats have scored sizable statewide victories. In 2012, then-President Barack Obama won the state by seven percentage points, and Democrat Tammy Baldwin won her Senate race by nearly six points, but the Democratic Party picked up only three of the state’s eight House seats. In the other five districts, every Republican won their race by more than 11 points, showing that Democrats never stood a chance there.

The GOP is proud of their electoral manipulation—and they want to do more of it. In 2022, Republican gubernatorial candidate Tim Michels said at a campaign event, “Republicans will never lose another election in Wisconsin after I’m elected governor.” (Luckily, he lost to Democratic Gov. Tony Evers.)

North Carolina is a stranger case. Republicans hold 10 of 14 House seats, or 71 percent, despite pulling in only 48 percent of the vote in recent statewide elections. The thing is, until very recently, the Tar Heel State had a fair map.

Ahead of the 2022 midterms, the North Carolina Supreme Court ruled that the state’s map violated the law, and forced the adoption of a court-drawn map that resulted in an even split: seven Republicans, seven Democrats. A fair and honest map, no doubt. However, that fall, conservatives won a majority on that court, allowing the Republican-led state legislature to ram through a gerrymander that advantaged them in 10 House seats. And last year, the legislature made the map worse, likely stealing another seat from Democrats this November.

Which brings us back to Old Dominion.

Throughout the past year, GOP-led states took on the highly unusual project of mid-decade redistricting. North Carolina, Ohio, Missouri, and Texas all passed maps that are expected to tear a total of nine seats away from Democrats. But redrawn maps in California and Utah (on a judge’s order) should give Democrats six other seats. Virginia’s proposed map, if it goes into effect, would likely bring that up to 10.

This would render President Donald Trump’s midterm-stealing project a wash.

Mid-decade redistricting has produced incredibly skewed maps

The difference between the Republican Party's project share of a state's House districts and the party's average share of that state's vote in recent statewide elections, among states that completed mid-decade redistricting, plus Virginia

StateHouse seatsProjected GOP seatsProjected GOP share of seatsGOP's avg. statewide voteNew map's skew
North Carolina141178.6%48.2%R+30.3
Missouri8787.5%57.2%R+30.3
Ohio151280.0%54.3%R+25.7
Texas383078.9%53.6%R+25.4
Utah4375.0%55.1%R+19.9
California5247.7%37.2%D+29.5
Virginia*1119.1%44.4%D+35.3

* Virginia's map is not in effect. The projections on this table are based on a proposed map, which may go into effect only if voters approve a ballot measure on April 21, 2026.

That is, unless Florida also redistricts. Gov. Ron DeSantis has set a special session to begin on April 28, in which the legislature will consider further tilting the state’s gerrymander against Democrats. The GOP could draw a map to flip up to five Democratic-held seats. The trouble is, such a move would risk watering down red districts too much, which could backfire in a wave election, leading Democrats to win seats they otherwise would not. As such, state Republicans have been hesitant to act.

Whatever transpires, the Sunshine State’s map is already heavily biased. Republicans control 71 percent of its House districts but win only 54 percent of the statewide vote on average.

Of course, Democrats gerrymander too. Massachusetts and Connecticut have a combined 14 House seats, and Republicans hold not one seat in either, though their party regularly wins at least a third of the statewide vote. (The reverse is true in Oklahoma, where the GOP holds all five House seats, despite the fact that it wins just 63 percent of the statewide vote on average.)

The big difference is that only one party—the Democratic Party—is pushing to eliminate partisan gerrymandering altogether.

In March 2019, the House’s freshly minted Democratic majority passed the For the People Act. The bill sought to ban partisan gerrymandering nationwide, in addition to expanding voting rights and curtailing the influence of money in politics. Democrats saw these as their top priorities, bestowing the bill the honor of “H.R. 1,” which means it was the first introduced in the new session of Congress. No Republicans voted for it, and the Republican-controlled Senate refused to even bring it up for a vote.

The bill passed a Democratic-controlled House again, in 2021. Again, it was the party’s H.R. 1, and again, no House Republicans voted for it. Democrats ran the Senate that year but lacked the 60 votes necessary to pass it there.

Joe Manchin, at the time a Democratic senator from West Virginia, persuaded the party to dilute the bill in an effort to get bipartisan backing. The new bill, named the Freedom to Vote Act, would have implemented some voter-ID requirements but would have nevertheless expanded drastically ballot access and ended partisan gerrymandering. When it came up for a vote in the Senate, not one Republican supported it.

Democrats in the House and Senate have continued to introduce the Freedom to Vote Act in subsequent sessions of Congress, but with at least one chamber in the GOP’s hands following the 2022 midterms, it’s gone nowhere.

And it’s not as if the public is divided on the issue. Only nine percent of Americans think partisan gerrymandering should be legal, according to a YouGov poll from August. For context, that’s on par with the amount who believe that Bigfoot “definitely” exists.

Partisan gerrymandering is overwhelmingly unpopular

The share of U.S. adult citizens who think partisan gerrymandering should be legal or illegal

Survey conducted Aug. 1-3, 2025, among 1,116 U.S. adult citizens, with a margin of error of ±4 percentage points. Figures may not total 100% due to rounding.Chart: Andrew ManganSource: YouGov/Created with Datawrapper

Americans hate map-rigging, no matter the reason. The poll also finds that only 1 in 3 Americans says it is fair for states to gerrymander in response to other states doing it—i.e., what Virginia is doing this year.

It makes sense, too. Gerrymandering is deeply unfair at the state level. If Virginia allows Democrats to redraw the state map, Republican voters there will have a weaker voice in Congress than they would in a fair world.

But this is not a fair world. National Democrats are trying to give Americans the fair House elections they want, and Republicans are stopping it. Until gerrymandering is banned across the country, Democrats should make full use of the tools they have at their disposal.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos


Americans hate map-rigging, no matter the reason. The poll also finds that only 1 in 3 Americans says it is fair for states to gerrymander in response to other states doing it—i.e., what Virginia is doing this year.

It makes sense, too. Gerrymandering is deeply unfair at the state level. If Virginia allows Democrats to redraw the state map, Republican voters there will have a weaker voice in Congress than they would in a fair world.

But this is not a fair world. National Democrats are trying to give Americans the fair House elections they want, and Republicans are stopping it. Until gerrymandering is banned across the country, Democrats should make full use of the tools they have at their disposal.

Any updates?

  • Trump certainly sees China as our enemy, but Americans are warming to the nation. The Pew Research Center finds that 27% of Americans have a favorable view of China, up from a low of 14% in 2023. Funny thing is, that share has risen while the share that thinks Trump can capably deal with China has fallen. Sixty percent of Americans are not confident he can make good decisions regarding China, up from 49% in June 2024.
  • As the Trump administration lends a helping hand to our worst polluters, Americans are more negative than ever on the quality of the environment. Just 35% of Americans rate the quality of the environment in the U.S. as good or excellent, per Gallup. Who knew that aiding polluters would make our air and water worse?

Vibe check

As America becomes a hellscape, it makes sense people might turn toward God. What is surprising, though, is how abruptly that has happened with one group that’s typically the least religious: young men.

A new survey from Gallup finds that 42% of men ages 18 to 29 rate religion as “very important” to their lives, up from 28% in the previous round of polling. Those figures reflect two-year-averages, with the new share dating to 2024-2025 and the older share to 2022-2023.

It also marks the highest level of religiosity among young men since 2000-2001 (43%).

Historically, young women have been much more religious than young men. In the 13 rounds of data released by Gallup, young women have led young men 11 times. And their lead has often been quite large. In 2002-2003, young women were 16 points more religious than young men. And on average across all years, they’ve led men by 9 points.

Notably, young women continue their slide in religiosity. The latest round of data shows just 29% consider religion very important to them, a figure that’s tied with 2020-2021 for their all-time low.

The 14-point jump among young men also marks the largest increase between data periods among any age group of men and women. The closest change came among men ages 65 and older, whose religiosity fell 13 points between 2008-2009 and 2010-2011.

Turns out, all those Christ-fluencers on TikTok really are winning converts.

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The share of U.S. adult citizens who think partisan gerrymandering should be legal or illegal

Should be legalNot sureShould be illegalAll U.S. adult citizens9%22%69%Democrats7%13%80%Independents6%24%69%Republicans14%29%57%Survey conducted Aug. 1-3, 2025, among 1,116 U.S. adult citizens, with a margin of error of ±4 percentage points. Figures may not total 100% due to rounding.Chart: Andrew ManganSource: YouGovCreated with Datawrapper

Democrats, Be Warned: Trump Is Exploiting Your Weak Spots Again

Democrats, Be Warned: Trump Is Exploiting Your Weak Spots Again

Sure, the "No Kings" marches drew millions rightly protesting Donald Trump's assaults on our democratic institutions. But Democrats must dig deeper and ask how Trump could actually win another term after trying to overturn the 2020 election results with a violent attack on the Capitol. It wasn't as though most Americans adored him. Gallup's approval rating for Trump on election eve was a sad 46 percent.

Trump carried the 2024 vote by playing the Democrats on three issues that aggravate even moderate Americans. They are open borders, the demonization of law enforcement and racial, ethnic and other preferences embodied in the DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) movement being adopted by companies, schools, and government agencies.

Trump weaponized the most inflammatory statements coming from the fringe left. With the midterms on the horizon, he's doing it again with bait meant to provoke Democrats into taking radical positions.

It helped them little that in 2024, Joe Biden had, in fact, secured the border. But he waited until the end of his term after tolerating caravans of migrants surging into the U.S. The U.S.-Mexico border had just seen a record million migrant encounters in one year. The hesitancy left the strong impression that Biden acted only under political pressure.

On immigration, Trump seems intent on antagonizing Democrats with military-style spectacles of migrants being roughed up, including many who are fully documented. Gone was the sensible plan to deport those convicted of crimes and deal with otherwise law-abiding workers lacking papers in a more humane manner.

And so what did Democrats do? They voted to withhold funding for the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency until certain reforms were made. ICE enforces immigration law inside the U.S. Denying it the money to operate sounds a lot like "defunding the police," a slogan that cost Democrats seats in Congress and perhaps the presidency.

While Republicans are in power, the desired changes won't be made. But as long as Democrats cater to their radicals, they won't win enough races to take that power away. Meanwhile, Trump has shrewdly downshifted on the ICE excesses in the cities, letting them face from the news.

As for racial and ethnic preferences, Trump has crusaded against DEI. White males especially resent them, not without reason, and many others consider DEI incompatible with a merit-based democracy.

Biden went overboard on making race a basis for hires. His low point was announcing early on that his next Supreme Court nominee would be a black woman. When the time came, he named Ketanji Brown Jackson.

Thing is, Jackson was a superbly qualified candidate — magna cum laude from Harvard, clerkships for two federal judges and one supreme court justice, service on both a trial court and appellate court, plus experience in private practice. By announcing that his choice had to be a black woman, Biden excluded whites, Latinos, Asians and all men from a candidate pool in which Brown could well have prevailed on her own merits.

Trump goads the left's identity-mongers to double-down on racial arguments — and entertained the racist right — by demonizing individual blacks, notably individual black women.

Social media flame throwers will push Democrats to take positions hostile to moderate voters. Remember, partisans, their reward is getting attention. Your reward should be winning elections.

To recap: Trump would not have won in 2024 had Democrats not helped him. He exploited their refusal to secure the border earlier, fixation on identity (above all, that inexplicable obsession on transgender issues) and hostility toward law enforcement. That put Trump over the top despite a close popular vote and weak Democratic opponent.

Democrats, Trump knows your vulnerabilities. To survive the midterms he's already exploiting those weak spots-- without which, he's basically toast.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Republicans Keep Pretending That Trump Will Bail Them Out In Midterm

Republicans Keep Pretending That Trump Will Bail Them Out In Midterm

The signs of a blue tsunami keep accumulating by the day, from 2025’s dramatic Democratic victories—where Democrats overperformed Kamala Harris’ 2024 numbers by eye-popping margins—to continued overperformances in special elections, to President Donald Trump himself acknowledging reality in his own authoritarian way.

“It's some deep psychological thing, but when you win the presidency, you don't win the midterms,” Trump mused, before making the leap to “when you think of it, we shouldn't even have an election.”

What’s funny is watching pundits and Republican operatives try to outthink gravity. Take New York Times columnist Ross Douthat, who repeatedly advised Republicans that the solution for a midterm election blowout is for Trump to stop being Trump.

Brilliant. Why didn’t anyone think of that?

On Wednesday night, Mark Halperin reported that the “senior Trump political command” delivered a sober midterm briefing to key Republicans, including Cabinet officials. Among the findings: voters care about the economy (groundbreaking!), and that “Trying to argue about wages being up will not help; voters have to feel it.” They also admitted that “Taking credit for closing the border does not resonate much”—a striking concession that immigration, once a Republican strength, isn’t saving them.

But the best part? Trump’s own campaign pollster, Tony Fabrizio, effectively admitted Trump can’t save Republicans either.

“He acknowledged that Donald Trump will do what he wants to do, say what he wants to say, not be data driven,” Halperin wrote. “Everyone else has to stay on message and be driven by the data. In effect, two separate but related campaigns.”

That’s patently absurd.

Republicans don’t get to divorce themselves from Trump’s chaos. His dominance over the party is absolute. He demands fealty, and they’ve delivered it. Those who stray—on tariffs, on Epstein, on anything—face his wrath. Trump is more interested in settling petty internal scores than deploying his war chest to protect vulnerable Republicans.

There are no “two separate but related campaigns.” Republican candidates can’t claim to care about affordability while Trump loudly proclaims it a “hoax.”

They can’t run on his message because it’s unpopular. They can’t run on his personality because he is hated. And they can’t rely on discipline because Trump doesn’t care—about data, about strategy, or about being a team player. He never has. Even his own political team isn’t pretending otherwise.

And this betrays the GOP’s core insurmountable challenge heading into what will be a political bloodbath for Republicans: Trump can’t help them, and he’s actually a liability.

So while that meeting at least acknowledged the damage Trump is doing to the GOP’s midterm chances—to the point that they’re trying to construct a parallel campaign strategy separate from their albatross—a new story from Axios found Republicans either pretending none of this is happening, or with their heads fully submerged in the sand.

The story on the GOP’s midterm woes starts honestly enough.

“While it is tempting for many in our party to wish away these results,” a GOP operative told Axios, “the pattern is clear that there is at least a current 10-point Democratic over-performance from Trump 2024—and it’s built on a fired-up Democratic base and a sleepy GOP base.”

Axios also notes that Republican strategists admit Trump’s handling of the Epstein files has “turned off parts of his MAGA base, while energizing Democrats and anti-GOP independents.” Left unsaid: Trump’s starring role in those files isn’t helping either.

Still, denial is a powerful drug.

“Let’s not pretend a couple of low-turnout special elections suddenly signal a political earthquake,” said Mason Di Palma, communications director for the Republican State Leadership Committee. Kudos to Di Palma for not hiding behind anonymity, even if he’s hiding behind a convenient strawman.

No one is arguing that “a couple of low-turnout special elections” alone are driving predictions of a coming Republican apocalypse. Take the shocking Texas state senate Democratic pickup: the electorate was 51 percent Republican, and the GOP candidate still got just 43 percent of the vote—in a district Trump carried by 17 points. That’s a 34-point swing. Democrats were only 35 percent of the electorate, yet their candidate won with 57 percent.

You don’t get that kind of shift from low turnout and a depressed GOP base. You get it from defections.

And no, it’s just not a couple of special elections. We have last year’s dramatic Democratic victories, which were anything but “low-turnout.” Trump himself is openly musing about canceling midterms because the party in power almost always gets hammered. Even solidly red Iowa is changing its laws to weaken its own governor ahead of an election where Democrats have a real shot at winning that seat.

But cut that guy some slack; he’s paid to be optimistic. Much worse are the anonymous sources that showered the Axios reporter with ridiculous hopium.

“[Some Republicans] note that Trump's cash-flush political operation didn't aggressively work to turn out the president's supporters in any of the recent elections—something it'll do in U.S. House and Senate elections this November,” reported Axios. “They also point out that Trump plans to hit the trail aggressively, which they believe will help to turn out his supporters.”

Was that mythical turnout machine just sitting it out last year?

And here’s the deeper problem: When Republicans themselves are defecting, higher turnout doesn’t necessarily save you—but it can actually help Democrats. We saw a version of this in 2024, when Democratic turnout operations inadvertently brought new Trump-leaning Latino and young voters to the polls. GOTV is a blunt instrument, and it doesn’t come with ideological guarantees.

Even if Republicans mobilize their evangelical base, traditionally the focus of their GOTV efforts, that won’t counteract erosion among suburban voters, independents, and soft Republicans. And given Trump’s habit of using his cash to settle internal scores rather than build coalitions, the idea of a finely tuned turnout juggernaut feels more like fantasy than strategy.

As for Trump hitting the campaign trail, what could possibly energize Democrats more in an anti-incumbent, anti-GOP environment than a deeply unpopular president parachuting into competitive districts to rant about gilded ballrooms and golf courses before declaring affordability a hoax? Democrats will beg for Trump to show his toxic face anywhere near swingable voters.

Remember, Trump’s own pollster admits that his client will “do what he wants to do, say what he wants to say, not be data driven.” Which competitive district will that help?

So yes, things are tough for Republicans, and the man they insist is their savior is the very weight dragging them under.

Couldn’t happen to a worse bunch.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily KosReprinted with permission from Daily Kos


Trump Reveals Fear Of Midterm Defeat: 'We Shouldn't Even Have An Election'

Trump Reveals Fear Of Midterm Defeat: 'We Shouldn't Even Have An Election'

President Donald Trump, rejecting criticism from within his own party, the economic challenges facing the American people, and polling on Greenland, suggested that his second-term accomplishments were so extensive that they should render the 2026 midterm elections unnecessary.

In an interview with Reuters, President Trump “expressed frustration” that Republicans may lose control of the House of Representatives and possibly the Senate in the November midterm elections.

Calling it “some deep psychological thing,” Trump told Reuters that “when you win the presidency, you don’t win the midterms.”

He then “boasted” of his accomplishments, telling the reporter, “when you think of it, we shouldn’t even have an election.”

Trump, Reuters reported, “repeatedly dismissed concerns by the public, business leaders and even his fellow Republicans on issues ranging from the future of Greenland and the criminal investigation into Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell, to the state of the economy.”

He deemed “fake” a Reuters/Ipsos poll that found little support — just 17 percent — for him seizing control of Greenland.

He repeatedly declared, “I don’t care” when confronted with news that some Senate Republicans oppose the Department of Justice’s investigation into Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell, and “when reminded of JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon’s concerns that White House interference in the Fed could harm the economy.”

Trump also dismissed the concerns of the American people over high prices they are facing, instead incorrectly declaring the economy the strongest “in history.” He told Reuters that he simply needed to do a better job promoting his achievements.

He appeared to suggest that “he follows his own compass” rather than put much stock in public opinion.

“A lot of times, you can’t convince a voter,” he said. “You have to just do what’s right. And then a lot of the things I did were not really politically popular. They turned out to be when it worked out so well.”

On actions by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Reuters reported that Trump “said he would continue sending armed agents into cities, claiming that his efforts had taken ‘thousands of murderers out of our country.”

Reuters noted that there is “no evidence to support that assertion.”

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