Tag: trump tariffs
Not 'Liberated' Yet: Trade Deficit Hits Highest Level Since March 2025

Not 'Liberated' Yet: Trade Deficit Hits Highest Level Since March 2025

Donald Trump has made reducing the trade deficit a centerpiece of his economic agenda. As he has put it, the deficit means foreigners are ripping us off. Trump’s whole “Liberation Day” story was about putting an end to the rip-offs.

We can debate the extent to which the trade deficit means we are getting ripped off, but even accepting Trump’s claim, he is not doing a very good job by his own metric. On Tuesday, we got data from the Commerce Department showing that the monthly trade deficit jumped by $23 billion in May to $77.6 billion. The deficit would be $931 billion if this rate continued for a full year. This is the highest it’s been since March of 2025. If the trade deficit measures the extent to which we’re being ripped off, we’re going the wrong way.

To be clear, the story is a bit more complicated. The trade deficit had averaged $70.9 billion through the first ten months of 2024. It then jumped after the election, hitting $96.9 billion in December, as people rushed to buy cars, appliances, and other big-ticket items, and businesses stocked their inventories, before Trump’s promised tariffs went into effect.

It rose further in the first three months of 2025 as people became more convinced that Trump was serious about his tariffs. The peak was $133 billion in March. The deficit then fell sharply in April. Part of this story was the impact of the tariffs themselves, and part was that people who had bought cars and other big-ticket items in anticipation of the tariffs were not about to buy them again.

The impact of people buying in anticipation of tariffs had probably worn off by the start of this year, so we could see the direct impact of tariffs on the trade deficit. The average for the first four months of 2026 was $55.1 billion. That would translate into an annual trade deficit of $661 billion, a bit more than 2.0 percent of GDP. That is down from the $850 billion annual rate we had in the first ten months of 2024, but still far from balanced trade for those who care about such things.

But we then took a big step in the other direction in May. It seems the main story here is imports of AI-related capital goods. Imports of capital goods were $1.1 billion higher in May than they had been in April and $17.2 billion higher than they had been in January.

Many of the computer chips and other items that the big AI companies need for their data centers are imported, mostly from Taiwan and South Korea. If we think the trade deficit means we are being ripped off by foreigners, the AI bubble is increasing the extent of the rip-off.

Monthly trade data are highly erratic, and it’s possible that the May jump will be reversed in June or subsequent months. But for now, the data make it look like Liberation Day didn’t have its intended effect.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Trump's Tariffs Are Still Inflating Prices -- And Will Stop Fed From Cutting Rates

Trump's Tariffs Are Still Inflating Prices -- And Will Stop Fed From Cutting Rates

Donald Trump assured us that exporters would pay his tariffs; that it would effectively be free money to the United States. At times he even suggested a tariff dividend, where he would send us all checks of $1k to $2k with all the money that was pouring in from his tariffs.

Virtually all economists said this was nonsense. Based on extensive research, they argued that people in this country would pay the overwhelming majority of the tariffs, even if there is some question as to how much might be borne by importers and retailers, as opposed to consumers.

We quickly learned that the Trump story was wrong. Before Trump’s election, inflation had been headed down to the Fed’s 2.0 percent target. After Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs went into effect, inflation began rising, hitting 3.0 percent even before the Iran War. With the big war-related run-up in energy prices, inflation is now over four percent.

With everything else going on in the economy and the world, we shouldn’t lose sight of the impact of the Trump tariffs. We got new data on that yesterday, when the Bureau of Labor Statistics released May data on import prices. The data showed non-fuel import prices rose 0.8 percent in the month of May and were up 3.7 percent over the last year.

Just to be clear, these are the prices that are paid to exporters. They do not include the tariffs that are paid by importers. The tariffs are added on to these prices. If exporters were eating the tariffs, as Trump promised, import prices would fall.

To take a simple case, if Trump imposed a ten percent tariff on shoes, in the exporters eating the tariff story, the price of imported shoes would fall ten percent. That would leave businesses and consumers here unharmed and exporters getting ten percent less for the price of their shoes.

This is clearly not happening. Trump’s tariffs may not be responsible for import prices rising (although his war might be), but they clearly are not falling. As every academic study has shown, and U.S. consumers know, we are paying Trump’s tariffs.

The sharp rise in import prices will be another factor pushing inflation higher. The increase in import prices may not be fully passed on to consumers, but certainly much of it will.

To take the simple arithmetic here, imports of goods are roughly percent of GDP. If import prices rise 3.7 percent, that would add a bit less than 0.4 percentage points to inflation, and that is before the impact of any Trump tariffs. The full story will be more complicated, but this should give us some idea of what we’re looking at.

These new data come out just as the Federal Reserve Board is having its first meeting under its new Trump-appointed chair, Kevin Warsh. Trump demanded that Jerome Powell, the prior chair, lower interest rates. When he refused, Trump threatened to fire him and then prosecute him.

Trump clearly wants lower interest rates and has said that he expects Warsh to give him what he wants. With the recent data all showing inflation on an upward path (we got bad news on both the Consumer Price Index and the Producer Price Index last week), it would be very hard to envision any of the other 11 members of the Fed’s Open Market Committee (FOMC) that determines interest rates voting for a rate cut.

This leaves Warsh with the option of either being the first Fed chair ever to be in the minority on an FOMC vote or incurring Trump’s wrath on Truth Social. Being an opportunistic sycophant can sometimes get people in trouble.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Iowa Dogfight: Trump's Ruinous Policies Shaking Up Ruby-Red State

Iowa Dogfight: Trump's Ruinous Policies Shaking Up Ruby-Red State

President Donald Trump’s policies have hurt farmers so badly, Republicans are getting nervous that they could flip the state in both its Senate and gubernatorial elections.

“Well, number one, this is Iowa and the tariffs are hitting them really hard. Before the tariffs, Donald Trump had a 52 percent approval rating in the state — still not super great for Iowa — but he is currently at 42 percent,” The Bulwark’s conservative founder and political expert Sarah Longwell wrote on Tuesday. “Farmers are losing money, even with the federal subsidies that are trying to offset the impact of the tariffs.”

She added that “soybean farmers are losing about $75 an acre. Trump's one big, beautiful bill kicked nearly 100,000 Iowans off their health insurance. And [Republican Gov. Kim] Reynolds is one of the most unpopular governors Iowa has seen in a while.” In addition to complaining that the school vouchers program requires students to go down to four days a week of schooling, many voters also believe that “the six-week abortion ban they enacted there in Iowa, which people think is too extreme. And then there's this issue of cancer water, which I had not heard about until I started focus grouping in Iowa — but essentially you've got a lot of chemicals going into the water, and a lot of people in Iowa say that they're experiencing incredibly high cancer rates.”

As a result of all these issues, “Cook Political Report currently rates this race as a toss-up. So that's interesting for Iowa — they've got a toss-up for governor. Democrats looking strong.” Reynolds is not running for reelection, but Democratic nominee State Auditor Rob Sand has focused on her unpopular record and is expected to tie his eventual Republican opponent to Reynolds’ governorship.

“Now let's move to the Senate,” Longwell wrote. “We also have an open Senate seat because [Sen.] Joni Ernst has decided not to run again. There's no Republican primary because Ashley Hinson, who is a sitting member of Congress — she's been there for three terms, she's a former state rep, and she was also a news anchor in the state — is the de facto Republican nominee. But the Democrats have kind of an interesting primary. There are two of them: Josh Turek, who I think is likely to win, and Zach Walls.”

She added, “Now, Josh Turek — if you don't know who he is or you haven't seen him — he's in a wheelchair. He has spina bifida, and his dad had exposure to Agent Orange in Vietnam. He's knocking on doors by pulling himself up step by step. He's also a four-time Paralympian and a two-time gold medalist.”

In April, The Economist/YouGov conducted a poll which found that farmers are overwhelmingly opposed to Trump’s tariffs and Iran war, as both policies have raised prices on farmers on important products like fertilizer and gasoline. Despite these concerns, farmers remain one of the most staunchly pro-Trump groups and refuse to abandon their support, instead hoping that he will provide them with economic relief.

“A recent Economist/YouGov poll suggests such troubles are now commonplace,” wrote The Economist on Monday, referring to farmers who struggle to make ends meet thanks to Trump’s policies. “27 percent of rural respondents said it would be ‘impossible’ to cover an unexpected $1,000 bill. It would be easy to blame Mr Trump for the downturn. After all, he campaigned on promises to bring down prices and revive the heartland. But rural America does not.”

The article continued, “The president’s favourability rating is higher among rural voters than among any other group in our survey. Most still think he is doing a good job. In interview after interview with The Economist, farmers said they trust the administration—but that they need help to recoup the losses its foreign policy is causing them.”

Reprinted with permission from Alternet


Cyclical Or Structural? Figuring Whether The World Is Stuck With Higher Inflation

Cyclical Or Structural? Figuring Whether The World Is Stuck With Higher Inflation

While everyone’s fishing with clickbait these days—it’s an e-jungle out there—the highly experienced economic journalist Neil Irwin doesn’t make bold claims without some backup. So, when I read this Axios headline from him on Monday, I said “hmmmmm.” I stroked the chin. I furrowed the brow. I asked myself, “is that right?” I answered, “it could be!”

I mean, the economic problem of the decade is surely what Trump is in the process of doing to global economics, but where I go with Neil’s assertion, as you’ll read below, is more about whether something structural (vs. cyclical, as in the business cycle) has changed in how inflation is generated in the U.S. and other advanced economies. In fact, there’s an interesting new Fed Note on the topic which I’ll also highlight below. Like I said, my read of the evidence is maybe (re upward, structural change) but the fact that inflation’s been buffeted by a series of identifiable shocks means that it still may settle back into something closer to its pre-pandemic pattern.

Lurking behind this is the observation that the Fed’s preferred inflation gauge, the PCE, has been above its 2% target since April of 2021, as in five years ago. I show the core PCE in the figure below, taking out energy/food spikes that the central bank can’t do much about. That persistent miss has gotta mean something, right?

A simple but not-too-far-off read of the figure above is that policymakers lost control of inflation in the 70s, Volcker lowered the boom, other inflationary forces, like oil shocks and wage-escalation clauses, became less common, and the central bank went in on “anchoring inflationary expectations,” i.e., convincing price setters it would do what it takes with its monetary policy tools to keep inflation around its 2% target.

But what then explains the not-the-70s-but-still-highly-noticeable rise at the end of the above series?

While it’s true that we’re less exposed to oil shocks, we’re clearly not immune, and we’ve had two in recent years, one of which is a big own-goal-kick by the Trump admin, in which we’re still ensconced. The other was Putin’s doing. (If you want to pause here and think about the causal linkages between authoritarian leaders and higher inflation, be my guest.) The figure shows the retail gas and oil prices (both indexed to 2019) on the left axis, and CPI yearly inflation on the right (the last data point there is the 3.3% March rate we learned of last week).

This is Neil’s piling-on point re supply shocks. Of course, the pandemic is on that list, which was a supply shock in many dimensions. Locked in by COVID, consumer preferences shifted sharply away from services and towards manufactured goods (see figure below), right at the time supply-chains were snarled, sending goods prices through the roof (I’m giving a talk this week on all this stuff, which is why I’m shoving all these slides down your throat).1

Next, enter the Orange Menace with a spate of supply shocks of his own. His and Stephen Miller’s anti-immigration actions have combined with aging boomers to take the growth of labor supply down to a drip. And again, his war is the latest supply shock, one that I do not believe will disappear anytime soon, regardless of the resolution of the ongoing negotiations.

On the demand side, I’d add Trump and Republicans' deficit-financed budget. The fact that historically large deficits stimulate the economy in both bad times (as they should) and good times (as they shouldn’t) doesn’t help in this regard.

Pushing the other way is the fact that productivity has accelerated over these very same five years, from about 1.5 percent to 2 percent—a big deal if it sticks—with potential further productivity juice to come from AI. This is a positive supply shock, typically associated with lower inflationary pressures. But that just means that half-mountain (or maybe just a foothill for now) at the end of the cumulative figure above would be steeper without this force pushing the other way.

I mentioned this Fed Note that asks: “Is the Inflation Process in Advanced Economies Different After the Pandemic?” It’s a quite clear and intuitive exposition; if all this interests you, give it a read. But here’s one of its key findings:

Each bar represents the share of components within the inflation indices of the different countries that are rising >3 percent (pretty fast), 0-3 percent (pretty normal), <0 percent (deflation). As you see, more market-basket components are growing faster, and especially in the US and UK, there’s less deflation (third panel).

Case closed, right? Nope. Tariff-induced goods inflation is in play in the U.S. and housing prices, which are heavily weighted in our data, were also on a tear but have recently eased. It’s an excellent note, but it doesn’t allow us to yet conclude that we’re in a new world re higher, stickier inflation versus we’re slowly getting back to something resembling pre-pandemic inflation dynamics.

Okay, that’s a lot of data points. What does it all mean? Here’s my take:

—Inflation has been elevated since the pandemic and is currently stuck well above the Fed’s target.

—But there are bespoke reasons for that: the spate of shocks and ongoing political-economy malpractice.

—That fact means we cannot conclude that something has changed in the economy’s inflation-generation function. For what it's worth, market-based expectations of where inflation is headed are only a bit elevated.

—But we should all be worried about this. It wouldn’t be terrible if inflation settled in at ~3% instead of ~2%, assuming real wages kept up. But if, instead, the businesses, investors, and employers that set the prices of goods, services, labor, and assets think inflation is on a roll, there’s a risk of de-anchoring expectations.

In that case, the little (half-)mountain/foothill above at the end of the cumulative slide could start to look uncomfortably like the bigger 70’s mountain.

Finally, as far as American humans are concerned, as I’ve argued ad nauseum, it’s not so much inflation—the rate of price changes—that’s gotten deeply under their skin. It’s the elevated price levels, which only grow higher whether inflation is at its two percent target or elevated due to shocks or structural shifts. That said, let’s not over-torque on this blazingly insightful insight of mine (that’s self-directed snark, to be clear; “people don’t like high prices” ain’t exactly the stuff of Nobel prizes). Faster inflation pushes the price level up faster, and, as we can observe in real time, that’s pushing our econ vibes from bad to worse.

[1There’s a different interpretation of this that is compelling: it’s not that supply chains broke; it’s that this demand shift required an almost immediate widening of the pipe through which goods flow, and that didn’t happen.]

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.




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