Tag: zohran mamdani
Why The 'Democratic Socialists' Have Repelled So Many Black And Latino Voters

Why The 'Democratic Socialists' Have Repelled So Many Black And Latino Voters

The Democratic Socialists of America use people of color as fashion accessories. Sure, they put black or brown faces on ballots, and they talk a big game about racism. But black and brown voters are not choosing their candidates. The DSA national membership chooses, and it is 85% white.

Look at the crowds. In October 2019, Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders staged a rally at the Queensbridge housing project, across from Manhattan. Its residents are 47% black, 34% Latino and 10% Asian. News photos showed a nearly unbroken sea of white enthusiasts.

The head of the Queensbridge Resident Association called the organizers "disrespectful." They didn't even bother to place flyers in the buildings.

During the 2020 presidential race, Bernie Sanders rode high in the early Democratic primaries, where voters are mainly comfy whites. But when the primaries moved south, where Democratic voters are overwhelmingly black, he got creamed. In South Carolina, he lost to Joe Biden by 29 percentage points.

Asked to respond to that massive comeuppance, Sanders waved off the importance of those black voters. They were "conservative," he said. "But you know what? We're out of the Deep South now. And we're moving up."

That rankled several prominent black officials. "I was very concerned with that comment," said New York Rep. Hakeem Jeffries. "Black voters in the South are not very conservative" and "essentially dismissing the South was a slight at African American voters."

A recent poll in the Michigan Democratic Senate primary has 67 percent of blacks supporting the white candidate, Rep. Haley Stevens. Only 21 percent back the DSA's Abdul El-Sayed. A prominent El-Sayed supporter, William Lawrence, is on record denouncing black political leaders as a "pillar" of the "capitalist, imperialist" American establishment. Their support of the Democratic leadership, Lawrence said, "defangs the white left."

He really said that.

Sanders has a spotty history on race. He had joined the white flight out of New York City in the 1960s, when a new generation of black activists didn't care to take orders from white liberals. Sanders repaired to Burlington, Vermont, then less than one percent black. There he built a white-dominated socialist movement, using people of color as window dressing from the very start.

In his 2020 presidential campaign, Sanders' chief black intellectual, Cornel West, called Barack Obama a "Rockefeller Republican in blackface." (Also, a "war criminal.")

New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani has followed the playbook. He has an odd character named Gustavo Gordillo defending his city-run grocery stores. Co-chair of DSA's New York chapter, Gordillo is an immigrant from Peru who studied "radical Latin American cinema" in college. He tried to move up in the art world, but after apparently not succeeding, decided to try his hand as a DSA celebrity.

Gordillo is now on TV "explaining" Mamdani's plan for government groceries, one costing taxpayers an amazing $30 million. Asked whether it's OK for publicly owned stores to put nearby bodegas out of business, Gordillo chirped that if bringing down prices in the neighborhood "is enough to put someone out of business, then maybe they shouldn't have been in that business in the first place."

The bodega owners are largely Dominican, Yemeni or from other recent immigrant groups. Their little stores are entrepreneurial ventures that put families on the path of economic advancement. The owners work their tails off long into the night, often confronting criminals bent on everything from shameless shoplifting to armed robbery.

And now Gordillo is on TV arguing that bodega owners who can't compete with stores built with taxpayer dollars — and that don't have to pay rent or property taxes — are somehow deficient businesspeople.

None of the above is made up, I swear.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Is The DSA Actually Democratic? Or Are Its Candidates An Extremist Gift To MAGA?

Is The DSA Actually Democratic? Or Are Its Candidates An Extremist Gift To MAGA?

Should those of us who want to defeat the proto-fascists in charge of the Republican Party be worried about a few blue districts that have recently indulged their ids and voted for members of the Democratic Socialists of America? Yes. If their victories become a trend, it could sabotage the Democratic Party.

In a way, Democrats should be grateful to Trump. In the past 18 months, he has done all he can to alienate the swing voters who boosted him to victory in 2024. Young voters, black men and Hispanics are particularly disappointed. This is, or should be, a rare moment of hope for the opposition.

Yet it's almost as if a subset of Democratic primary voters rubbed their hands together and asked: "What can we do to improve the GOP's prospects? Let's vote for Democratic Socialist candidates like Claire Valdez, Darializa Avila Chevalier, Melat Kiros, and Janeese Lewis George!" The primary voters who chose those candidates have done Republicans a huge favor. Six months ago, Republicans had almost nothing to run on. Now, instead of attempting to explain high prices, a terrible war, an immigration crackdown that has shocked the conscience, and corruption beyond anything in American history, Republican candidates can and will put these DSA candidates in the front window as emblematic of the "communist" turn the Democrats are taking.

When one party has gone mad, it's understandable that some in the other party feel radicalized, too. But that's a trap. In the first place, the GOP's idiocy opens an opportunity to win back some of the moderates Democrats have recently lost. But by embracing ideas that are on the fringes of American public opinion, Democrats risk further alienating swing voters.

Democrats don't have the same luxury as Republicans to indulge extreme ideas because the baseline political environment is moderately conservative. Gallup found in January that 35 percent of Americans call themselves conservative, 33 percent moderate and 28 percent liberal. Most Democrats recognize this balance. A May New York Times/Siena poll found that 52 percent of Democrats and those who lean toward the Democrats believe the party should move to the center to win the next presidential election.

Finally, in addition to the ideological makeup of the electorate, the Electoral College gives a structural advantage to small states that tends to help the GOP. As a result, Democrats need to win 60 percent of moderates in order to win presidential elections.

That's the pragmatic case. The substantive argument could fill volumes, but let's address a few issues.

Responding to the flurry of victories by DSA candidates, some complacent souls ask, "What's so bad about socialism? It's working well in Sweden."

That's a common misconception. Sweden implemented semi-socialist policies in the 1960s featuring extremely high taxes, government ownership of key industries, extensive regulation of the economy, and generous welfare benefits. But growth slowed, wages stagnated, debt accumulated, and in the early 1990s, the country experienced a terrible financial crash. In the short term, it spent as much as four percent of GDP and even nationalized two banks to prevent a financial collapse and save its banking sector — but the long-term reforms that followed focused more on fiscal discipline.

Johan Norberg has written convincingly of Sweden's post-crisis turn away from government control of markets:

"Public spending was reduced, and fiscal rules that lowered debt were introduced. Taxes were cut and abolished entirely on wealth, gifts, and inheritances. Business sectors were deregulated, government-owned enterprises privatized, and social security reformed.

"Sweden also became a pioneer in privatizing welfare services, giving citizens the freedom to choose private providers, including for-profit businesses, of elder care, health care, preschool, and education. Most notably, Sweden introduced a national school voucher system. The private sector now provides around a fifth of all tax-funded welfare services."

While Sweden has a high tax-to-GDP ratio and a very high top individual tax rate, it has a very low corporate tax rate and an average individual tax burden below the mean for OECD countries.

The stories of the other Nordic countries are similar — with the exception of Norway, which is both more capitalistic than its American reputation would suggest and a petrostate. In general, the highly egalitarian countries of Northern Europe are not socialist, but free-market, capitalist countries with large safety nets underwritten by high taxes on the middle class. Like the United States, they tax income, but they also levy high value-added taxes on consumption, which hit the middle class harder than American sales taxes do.

If it were possible to fund a generous welfare state by taxing only the rich, someone would have figured out how to do so. But France tried a millionaires tax and soon repealed it, as did Austria and Denmark with similar measures. Sure, we could raise taxes on the rich, but it's simply wrong to imagine, as Bernie Sanders tirelessly insists, they have enough to carry the load themselves. Even confiscating all the wealth of America's 800 or so billionaires wouldn't be enough to fund a more generous safety net for more than a year or so.

Some naive souls say: "We have nothing to fear from Democratic Socialists of America. After all, the word 'democratic' is in their name." A word about names. There is a spectrum of left-wing parties and ideologies. There are socialists who believe in and abide by democratic norms. They sit in parliaments throughout the world. But those who didn't live through the Cold War may not be aware that communist countries had a habit of calling themselves democratic and socialist.

It was the unfree East Germany whose official name was the German Democratic Republic. West Germany, which was actually democratic, was the Federal Republic of Germany. The USSR, the ur-communist nation, was the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. North Korea is formally the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Yugoslavia was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and so on. The joke went around in those days that the easiest way to tell if a country was undemocratic was whether it had "democratic" in its name. Names can be deceiving.

The Democratic Socialists of America are not the Stasi or Juche zealots, but neither are they benign Nordic redistributionists. The DSA platform calls for abolishing the police and prison system; defunding the U.S. military entirely and closing all international military bases; ending sanctions on Cuba, Venezuela, Iran and other nations that have merely "acted independently of the United States"; replacing the presidency and Supreme Court with bodies chosen by Congress; instituting a 32-hour work week; canceling all student debt; and basically free everything: housing, healthcare, retirement and schooling. The DSA holds the United States and NATO responsible for Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Israel responsible for October 7, and capitalism responsible for every sparrow that falls anywhere in the world.

The DSA's political leadership is divided between a menshevik faction that supports something that could be fairly described as democratic socialism, and a bolshevik faction that is avowedly communist — though itself split among Marxists, Marxist-Leninists, Maoists, Trotskyists, and various other flavors. The structure of the DSA is as convoluted as any communist party's, but in toto, the communists seem to be dominating. And while their economic views are mockable, the implications of communist sympathies are dead serious.

Unlike socialists, communists do not believe in democracy. There has never been a communist country that delivered prosperity or freedom to its people. On the contrary, communism is an assault on human rights and human dignity. Communist regimes claim to take power from oligarchs or royalists or capital, but in fact they always and without exception take power from the people. They abolish not just free exchange of goods and services but free expression, religious observance, artistic freedom, the right to vote, the right to travel — and, by the way, the right of workers to organize. Past proletarian paradises had to erect walls and shoot people to keep them inside. In the words of George Orwell, "A boot stamping on a human face — forever."

The Democratic Party has a long history of misinterpreting or being blind to the abuses of communism. But from the founding of Americans for Democratic Action in 1947 by Eleanor Roosevelt, Reinhold Niebuhr, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. and others, to the exclusion of communist-dominated unions from the CIO, to the marginalization of Henry Wallace, Democrats took decisive steps to keep the far left at bay. And while some Democrats in the post-Vietnam era took a "no enemies to the left" approach to foreign policy, they got over it when the Berlin Wall fell and the reality of the communist oppression became indisputable.

Today, only six percent of Democrats label themselves as socialists. Rachel Janfaza, who studies Generation Z and has interviewed hundreds of young voters, has yet to find a single one who identifies as a Democratic Socialist.

The vibes may be exciting, especially because New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani's smiling face disguises the authoritarianism of the movement that nurtured him, but if Democrats are going to win this year and in 2028, they must reject the DSA. If you're tempted by a Democratic Socialist this year, think of what use Republicans will make of these victories, and ask yourself whether you want to do favors for fascists.

Centrist Democrats Versus Insurgent Socialists Is A Fight Not Worth Having

Centrist Democrats Versus Insurgent Socialists Is A Fight Not Worth Having

Whenever I encounter a person, media report, or podcast that’s wound up about socialists taking over the Democratic party and thereby winding down capitalism as we know it, I find myself somewhere between puzzled and eye-rolly.

The main reason for my response is that our economy has always existed on a continuum between pure free markets and deep market interventions by the public sector. There’s Social Security, an intergenerational transfer program that is highly valued by those who identify as die-hard capitalists. Those same capitalists are generally comfortable with Medicare, public infrastructure, laws that protect their property, health, and safety, rules that structure markets, and so on. Taken together, expenditures on Social Security and Medicare amount to about nine percent of GDP. When it comes to such “socialism,” we’re more than a little bit pregnant.

Where we locate on that continuum is a dynamic process driven by the general degree of comfort with the status quo. And today, there is—as there should be—great discomfort among the vast majority with the status quo, in which case we should expect movements along the continuum.

But why move left vs. right? Surely, because of the obvious failure of Trump’s right-wing, faux populism. He ran on making life more affordable than under Biden but to the extent that he’s done anything in the affordability space, he’s pushed hard in the wrong direction. He’s exacerbated inflation, leading to higher interest and mortgage rates than would otherwise prevail, cut taxes for the rich, and partially offset the resulting debt costs by cutting health coverage and nutritional supports for economically vulnerable families. Last week he refused to sign a bill to help, at the margin, increase the supply of affordable housing, because his Republican allies have been unable to pass a vote to rig forthcoming elections (not that they didn’t want to, to be clear, but that they couldn’t get the votes to override a filibuster).

So I don’t think anyone should be surprised that the move along the continuum away from the status quo has been to the left. At the same time, I see no reason for Ds to overreact to this. Mamdani, to take exhibit A in this faux war, didn’t run on socializing the means of production or getting rid of market-based pricing. He ran (in part) on more affordable child care and housing, paid for by higher taxes on the rich.

The Wall Street Journal teed the issue up thusly:

They described the “insurgents” as “[r]unning on a tax-the-rich platform that would provide more services to working Americans, as well as on calls to separate the U.S. from Israel and “abolish ICE.”

First, I challenge you to find a Democrat of any stripe who doesn’t want to provide “more services to working Americans,” and the majority, left and center-left, would raise taxes on the wealthy to offset the costs. Mainstream, centrist Democrats complained bitterly, and justly so, when Trump and the Republicans extended their tilted, regressive tax cuts. Given the actions of the Netanyahu government, that part of our historical status quo must also change, something we’re hearing a lot more from moderate Democrats (and moderate Republicans).

The ICE call is trickier because for many voters, it suggests opening the borders to undocumented immigration in ways to which most Americans, and most Democrats, object. But it is clear to me and anyone else paying attention that we must abolish the unchecked, murderous power of this corrupted agency. I doubt there are many Americans (to be clear, I know there are some; in fact, a nontrivial minority) who are comfortable with the fact that the killers of Alex Pretti and Renée Good—and the killers’ enablers—have come nowhere close to being held to account.

I don’t mean to downplay the socialism label, which is surely notable. And I do think it expresses a frustration with current day, U.S.-style capitalism, a system that is currently and massively rewarding tech oligopolists who blithely pronounce that their latest and greatest invention is going to dis-employ large swaths of the workforce. Would you expect a regular, not-particularly-ideological person, struggling to make ends meet, whose grown kids can’t afford a home, while the deeply corrupt president takes equity shares in private companies, to stand up and applaud today’s capitalism? Or might you expect them to be open to a different offer?

So, let’s talk about that offer. Because this, not the label, is what will ultimately matter. If Mamdani and the other new-wave Democratic Socialists can deliver on the affordability and social justice agenda where status-quo purveyors—in both parties—have come up short, then they should and will win. If they fail, they’ll be kicked to the curb like every other incumbent these days.

In this regard, there is solid logic to the idea of collecting more tax revenues from those who’ve benefitted most not just from market forces (often juiced by regulatory protections—see Baker’s work on patents and monopoly power) but from decades of high-end tax cuts, and use some of those resources to offset the affordability crisis facing middle and low-income families.1

Rent control, on the other hand, sounds good to stretched renters and is a rare housing policy that helps people today vs. years in the future when affordability policies (like those in the ROAD Act) finally lead to added housing supply. But it has a track record of doing more harm than good. A lot of landlords are also stretched, and the rent freeze will make it harder for them to maintain upkeep. Worse, evidence shows rent control to lead owners of rental units to get out from under the freeze by converting to condos.

Still, good for Hizzoner for delivering on his campaign promises, in this case a two-year rent freeze on 40 percent of New York City apartments. I worry this one will have unintended consequences, and if I’m right, his administration should unwind it early.

That last part seems important to me. Again, forget about the names and labels. The future of democracy and the potential for getting back to functional governance requires a lasting political coalition, and that can only be built by delivering help to the people who need it the most. If you ran on a rent freeze, that go ahead and try a rent freeze. But if it backfires, quickly explain to your constituents that it isn’t working, you’re ending it, and you’re moving on to plan B, followed by, if necessary, plan C (see CAP’s plan for direct rent relief; it’s a federal plan, but aside from Trump, there’s actually bipartisan interest in addressing the shortfall in affordable housing).

Remember what Roosevelt said in 1932, another period when capitalism’s flaws were blatantly transparent: “The country needs and, unless I mistake its temper, the country demands bold, persistent experimentation. It is common sense to take a method and try it: If it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all, try something."

One last point about this alleged internal attack by socialist insurgents. As I’ve said, I see no such thing but instead see earnest politicians, and in Mamdani’s case, a highly skilled politician, recognizing that the status quo is broken and reaching for alternatives.

But we do not live in a political vacuum and the right will use the socialists’ wins to try to scare the broad electorate. Their leader posted this on social media:

The Communists are finally making their move. I’ve been waiting and preparing for this for a long time. It’s easy to be a Communist—All you have to do is say, ‘I’ll give you everything,’ but that means you’re taking it away from others that have earned it.

I’m not a political advisor, so take what follows with a shaker of salt. But there is, I believe, a way to break this attack. It starts by recognizing the obvious point that what works in New York City won’t work in most other places. But if it stops there, we’re sitting ducks. Remember, the fact about contemporary Republicans is that they’re awful at governing but a lot better than Democrats at getting elected, largely through fear tactics and pitting people against each other, a strategy as old as politics itself.

The key to winning in this period of unaffordability, chaos, fear, and heightened inequalities is not for Democrats to fight over the socialist, capitalist, centrist or leftist labels, but to connect with voters on how we’re going to help them and equally importantly, on how the other side has failed to do so and still has no idea what to do other than to try to scare people away from new, younger faces with bold, new ideas.

Trump and his reckless, corrupt, and inept enablers promised they’d help people, but clearly they lied, and now, when they’re not engaging in self-enriching grift and graft, they’re name-calling to try to distract us from their blatant failures.

But we know who the enemy is. It is the status quo. The polling, both electoral and consumer sentiment, couldn’t be clearer on this. And to shout “commie!” or “socialist!” at someone with potentially credible ideas on how to wield public policy to help solve real problems is to defend the status quo. Full stop.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please subscribe to his Substack, from which this is reprinted with permission.



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Mamdani's 2028 Bombast Doesn't Bode Well For National Democrats

Mamdani's 2028 Bombast Doesn't Bode Well For National Democrats

Yes, Mayor Zohran Mamdani's socialist picks just knocked off some Democratic incumbents in New York City. They included surprising defeats, especially that of Rep. Adriano Espaillat, chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus. Espaillat lost to Darializa Avila Chevalier, whose social media swims with past calls to abolish the police, free prisoners and stop deportations for any reason, presumably including murder.

It's not like Espaillat's district was dominated by the young professionals who flocked to Mamdani. His electorate is 52 percent Hispanic and includes such non-hipster neighborhoods as Harlem, Washington Heights, and parts of the Bronx.

Nonetheless, Mamdani may have seriously misread the national mood when he said right before the primaries: "When does the race for 2028 begin? It starts now." That was an awesome display of grandiosity for a guy who didn't get even 50% of the vote even though he was the official Democratic candidate in a very Democratic city.

The New York primaries may indeed be kicking off the presidential contest in 2028, but not in a way Democrats would like. Look at recent history. Backlash against Donald Trump's erratic governing style returned control of the House to the Democrats in 2018. Similar forces helped Joe Biden to take the presidency from Trump two years later.

The Democratic left sold these results as a thumbs-up for its radical agenda. But those same views — things like defunding police and obsession with transgender issues — turned off the middle America voters who gave Biden his win in 2020.

Two years later, Republicans retook the House majority by weaponizing the dumbest things left-wingers had said. Similar dynamics powered Trump's return to the presidency in the 2024 election. It is dangerous to assume that disgust with Trump translates into a desire to stop immigration enforcement.

The recently elected Mamdani, meanwhile, is enjoying an overly long honeymoon. The reality is sure to overtake the massive publicity he attaches to the smallest of achievements. New Yorkers are noticing that there are still no free buses, as promised. The rents are not frozen. And universal childcare has not happened. Mamdani has also antagonized the financial business leaders, jeopardizing the prospects of the young grads seeking white-collar jobs, that is, much of his base.

Democrats seeking victories in the heartland should fear having the excesses of coastal socialists hanging around their neck. The veteran New York political analyst Errol Louis described the dangers New York's far left pose to the Democrats' future. As an anchor at Spectrum News NY1, he has interviewed them all.

"They've got some ideas that will not sell in Des Moines or in, you know, Cleveland," Louis said. Their strategists tell him that they're "gonna fight, fight, fight ... get themselves arrested, introduce legislation, whether or not it has a chance of getting a hearing or ever becoming law."

Barack Obama understands well the radicals' lack of appeal outside choice urban corridors. He's called out affluent progressives who think they earn halos by pushing polices deemed to help the less fortunate but end up costing Democrats at the polls. They can embrace left-liberal politics without personally paying a price, Obama said last year. "You could still make a lot of money. You could still hang out in Aspen and Milan and travel and have a house in the Hamptons and still think of yourself as a progressive."

Democrats have fine hopes that this year's midterms will deliver at least a House majority. The growing dislike of Trump puts wind in their sails.

Come the 2028 presidential contest, however, Trump will presumably not be running. But the Democrats' aggravating radicals will still be at it. If the race for 2028 starts now, Democrats should be concerned.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

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