Tag: 2025 elections
With Unity And Grace, Democrats Can Build Powerful Midterm Message On Shutdown

With Unity And Grace, Democrats Can Build Powerful Midterm Message On Shutdown

The shutdown is winding down as eight Senate Democrats (7 Democrats and one Independent who caucuses with Democrats) voted with Republicans to get to the 60 votes needed to reopen the government. The ensuing spending plan will not include the health coverage subsidies for which the Democrats were holding out.

There is a lot of legitimate anger at the “defectors.” If you were going to cave, why wait until day 40? With public opinion leaning your way, why let up? Especially when this is the only leverage you’ve got? And how can you shake hands with these thoroughly untrustworthy Reppublicans, who have blatantly and illegally ignored previous spending allocations? All for the promise of a show vote on the health-coverage tax credits next month, a vote that will almost surely fail?!

Also, some of what the moderate Democrats are claiming they “got” in the deal are not at all Republican concessions, specifically rehiring government workers illegally laid off during the shutdown and “fully funding SNAP.” Simply getting the other side to obey the law may look like a win these days, but it is not.

Still, there are a number of arguments that point the other way, ones I’d argue are more compelling, though if and only if the fight we saw in the shutdown regarding who’s fighting for whom continues to rage. If these moderates don’t work with the rest of the Democratic caucus to build on the political and messaging gains made during the shutdown, then they really are part of the problem, not part of the solution.

The main argument for ending the shutdown was that the Ds were not going to get the tax credits and too many people were feeling the brunt of the shutdown. The former is probably true; the latter is definitely true.

The group of people affected by the shutdown grew with each week, beyond the hundreds of thousands of federal workers who have not been paid for weeks. The Trump administration’s legal fight to avoid paying SNAP food assistance benefits put tens of millions of Americans at risk of going hungry. And its decision to ratchet back air traffic capacity ensnared millions of others in air travel disruptions and flight cancellations that began over the weekend.

Given that these two facts—probable loss on tax credits and spreading pain—were highly predictable from the start, why shutdown at all? For one, minority leader Schumer understood that the party was itching for a fight with what is, hands down, the worst, most spineless GOP Senate caucus of any of our lifetimes. On a daily basis, they bow before their corrupt leader and violate their vows to protect the Constitution.

Granted the leverage that shutdown gave them, Senate Democrats had to pitch a fight. And they pitched a uniquely strong one. They made the Republicanss own the highly potent health-care (un)affordability issue, and they’ll get another chance to elevate that issue next month when Republicans continue to stand by while 20-plus million people see their premiums spike.

My sense, backed by some polling evidence, with the most important polls being last Tuesday’s mini-blue-wave, is that a very important sentiment is clarifying among voters: the Trump administration doesn’t care a whit about their economic concerns but the Democrats do.

I grant you, that last bit—”the Democrats do”—is an uphill battle and is just now maybe coming into focus. The shutdown underscored that for Republicans, unaffordability and cruelty are spectator sports. This leaves Democrats as the only party in the game. No question, the party is suffering from years, if not decades, of being perceived as abandoning working-class economics, in many cases, justly so. But during the shutdown, they were clearly the party fighting for affordable health care, for SNAP, for government workers, while the Republicans were weaponizing the moment to push hard in the wrong direction on each of these issues.

This is the fight that Democrats won in the shutdown, even if they lost on tax credits. But if they stop here, they’re toast, and deservedly so. I could be wrong—maybe this time is different—but in a few months, most regular folks won’t remember the shutdown. These events have historically had a very short half-life.

But if they start here, if they learn from this shutdown that they can unify around the message of affordability, of competent governance that follows the rule of law, of elevating the hurt that this administration, backed by a do-nothing, wholly-compliant Congressional majority, is doing to large swaths of Americans on a daily basis, then the shutdown will have been worth it.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Econjared.

When Will Trump Focus On Inflation? Aides Say Just Wait Till New​ Year

When Will Trump Focus On Inflation? Aides Say Just Wait Till New​ Year

President Donald Trump, who did not appear interested in changing his messaging when he spoke to Republican senators Wednesday morning after a big night at the polls for Democrats, is now expected to respond to the message voters sent Tuesday night, next year.

One of the White House’s “main takeaways from last night’s miserable performance for the Republican Party,” Politico reported, “is that President Donald Trump isn’t focused enough on the issues that matter most to the voters the party needs.”

The president, a White House advisor told Politico, will talk about the cost of living — one of the top issues he ran on last year — “as we turn … into the new year.”One of the White House’s “main takeaways from last night’s miserable performance for the Republican Party,” Politico reported, “is that President Donald Trump isn’t focused enough on the issues that matter most to the voters the party needs.”

“The President hasn’t talked about the cost of living in months,” another person close to the White House told Politico. “People are still hurting financially and they want to know the White House is paying attention and trying to fix the problem as quickly as possible.”

White House Deputy Chief of Staff James Blair, who served as Trump’s political director for the 2024 election, also weighed in.

“You’ll see the president talk a lot about cost of living as we turn … into the new year,” Blair told Politico. “The president is very keyed into what’s going on, and he recognizes, like anybody, that it takes time to do an economic turnaround, but all the fundamentals are there, and I think we’ll see him be very, very focused on prices and cost of life.”

“People don’t think he’s lived up to his promises,” a White House ally told Politico. “You won on lowering costs, putting more money back into people’s pockets. And people don’t feel that right now.”In a speech Wednesday afternoon at the America Business Forum in Miami, Trump told attendees, “After last night’s results the decision facing all Americans could not be more clear. We have a choice between communism and common sense. Does that make sense to you? Common sense. It’s common sense or communism. Look back 1,000 years. It hasn’t worked.”

In a speech Wednesday afternoon at the America Business Forum in Miami, Trump told attendees, “After last night’s results the decision facing all Americans could not be more clear. We have a choice between communism and common sense. Does that make sense to you? Common sense. It’s common sense or communism. Look back 1,000 years. It hasn’t worked.”

“Our opponents are offering an economic nightmare, we are delivering an economic miracle,” Trump declared. “The biggest investment of funds in a country in history by many times.”

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

Defying Trump Threats, Mamdani Wins Historic Victory In New York Mayoral Race

Defying Trump Threats, Mamdani Wins Historic Victory In New York Mayoral Race

Democrat Zohran Mamdani, a 34-year-old democratic socialist, was projected by multiple news outlets to become New York City’s next mayor—an outcome that would have been unthinkable just a year ago.

He defeated disgraced former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who ran as an independent after losing the Democratic nomination in June, and the GOP nominee, Curtis Sliwa, frequent New York candidate perhaps best known for his red beret and love of cats.

As of publication, Mamdani led with 50 percent of the vote to Cuomo’s 41 percent, with 75 percent of the expected vote counted, according to the Associated Press.

f the results hold, Mamdani’s victory would amount to a generational break from the city’s political establishment—and a humiliating defeat for Cuomo, the once-dominant governor who left office in disgrace and had been itching to claw his way back.

What started as a sleepy reelection bid for incumbent Mayor Eric Adams evolved into a full-blown political reckoning, reshaping the city’s political map and derailing Cuomo’s attempted comeback tour.

The path to this moment took a dramatic turn in late September, when Adams withdrew from the race amid plummeting approval ratings and ongoing scandals, including federal corruption probes. In late October, he endorsed Cuomo, hoping to persuade his small base of backers to support another scandal-plagued independent.

Yet Mamdani’s insurgent campaign didn’t falter. His message was steadfastly focused on the city’s cost-of-living crisis, with him proposing policies like rent freezes, higher taxes on the wealthy, free buses, and city-owned grocery stores. And clearly, it has resonated with voters. Despite facing millions in super PAC attacks as well as a well-funded establishment candidate, he built a devoted coalition of progressive activists, younger voters, and working-class New Yorkers.

By early voting, the race had become a clear test of which Democratic vision New Yorkers preferred. Cuomo leaned on the old-guard playbook, promising stability and toughness, while Mamdani ran as an insurgent pushing for big, structural changes.

Cuomo and his allies tried to frame Mamdani as untested and extreme, pointing to his pro-Palestinian activism and criticism of Israel. President Donald Trump and far-right billionaire Elon Musk also waded in, with both endorsing Cuomo on Monday.

Earlier this year, Trump falsely branded Mamdani a “communist,” and threatened to withhold federal funding if Mamdani enacted policies the president disagreed with. “Remember, he needs the money from me, as President, in order to fulfill all of his FAKE Communist promises,” Trump posted online in September. “He won’t be getting any of it.”

Right-wing news outlets also waged a war against Mamdani. Fox News aired segments suggesting he should be deported, while the New York Post churned out near-daily front page warnings of radical rule in City Hall. (Both outlets are owned by right-wing billionaire Rupert Murdoch.)

But the attacks seemed to only harden Mamdani’s base. His campaign mobilized a grassroots operation. Volunteers hit subway stations, organizers livestreamed rallies, and voters lined up at early-voting sites across the city—a wave of energy that recalled the campaign that propelled Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to Congress seven years ago. Privately, Trump reportedly told allies he didn’t think Mamdani could be beaten, underestimating the candidate’s broad appeal.

Even as Mamdani’s rallies drew massive crowds, much of the Democratic establishment was hesitant to embrace him. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries waited until late October to endorse him, while New York Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer never publicly supported his campaign. But that apparent caution strengthened Mamdani’s anti-establishment image, positioning him as the candidate of street-level energy and outsider momentum.

For months leading up to June’s Democratic primary, Cuomo led nearly every poll, but Mamdani closed the gap and won the party’s nomination, thanks to a surge of younger voters and working-class New Yorkers fed up with the status quo. By August, polls of the general election showed him overtaking both Cuomo and Sliwa as the Democratic base consolidated around their candidate.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

No Fear: Why New Yorkers Are About To Elect A Democratic Socialist Mayor

No Fear: Why New Yorkers Are About To Elect A Democratic Socialist Mayor

One of the things I most look forward to this week is this: conservative columnists at The New York Times finally having to clam up what a disaster it will be to have a 34-year-old Democratic Socialist Zohran Kwame Mamdani become mayor of New York City.

It’s their job, I guess, as professional conservatives. But all the bitter rending of garments among those who want to see the Democratic Party remain an enfeebled centrist force at a moment that calls for change has not slowed the Mamdani Momentum. The man is non-stop. Over the weekend, Mamdani showed up at salsa classes, tai chi classes, and gay bars. He put out an Instagram post in Arabic. His campaign has knocked on 103,000 doors.

One reason we can be pretty sure that Mamdani, a kid who could have been written into history by Lin-Manuel Miranda, has it in the bag is that Donald Trump is already threatening collective punishment. In addition, The New York Post has already suggested that the election has been rigged by foreign actors. On October 22, Ariel Zilber wrote a fact-free story that the Chinese government has used TikTok to throw the election to Mamdani. Based on research done at Tel Aviv University that measures normal user engagement against aberrational activity, the researcher saw that “Political videos—especially those supporting Mamdani—were shared far more often than expected, while pro-Cuomo videos appeared less often.”

Color me skeptical, because I rarely share on TikTok. Yet, I have been sharing Mamdani videos, and I think others do too—because they are good! The campaign’s strategy seems to combine vibrant personal appearances with a beautifully crafted social media campaign, one that meets young voters where they live but captures the hearts of their elders as well. My favorite? Mamdani announcing that, in response to voter concern that he was only 33, he would pledge to turn 34 on his birthday.

How steep a hill is Cuomo (whose TikToks are depressing and dull) climbing at this point? At least one betting platform gives Mamdani a 44 percent chance of winning between 50-60 percent of the vote in a three person race. Professional prognostications are more modest, and predictably divergent, but the story about this election is clearly not “if” but “by how much?” Marist dropped a poll over the weekend that showed Mamdani’s lead declining to (wait for it!) 16 points. Other polls suggest that the first Muslim mayor in waiting may even be widening his lead. On the same day, Emerson College/PIX11/The Hill poll numbers showed Mamdani with a 25-point advantage over Cuomo.

All of which makes it important to point to the role that the Republican Guardian Angels co-founder, and world-famous cat lady Curtis Sliwa has played in blocking Cuomo’s political renaissance.

But Sliwa has also injected a measure of “nice” into the race that reminds us of a time when it didn’t seem like a catastrophe to elect a Republican. This, in turn, has caused many of us to not be able to forget what a horrible person Andrew Cuomo is. One thing the sexual harassment scandal that drove him from the governorship in 2021 accomplished was to reveal what everyone in Albany already knew: Cuomo is a bully and a horrible person who ruled the New York State Democratic Party with an iron fist. During the scandal, New Yorkers went from thinking Cuomo was a “son of a bitch—but our son of a bitch” to reminding us of every workplace bully we had ever known.

Unlike practically every other Republican, however, Sliwa has dissassociated himself from MAGA tactics. He is nice, and having two candidates in the race who exude good will and humor only emphasized how much New Yorkers do not want to live with a Democratic Party that behaves as Andrew Cuomo does. In fact, I can name a dozen Republicans I like better than Andrew Cuomo.

So, while some have called Sliwa a “spoiler” candidate, in truth, he is simply the candidate everyone likes even if they are not voting for him. By contrast, Cuomo’s fear-mongering, and his explicit alliances with billionaires and Trump supporters, have produced two responses among New York City Democrats who can’t bring themselves to vote for a Muslim socialist who won’t tie his campaign to Bibi Netanyahu’s war. Hold one’s nose and vote for an establishment Democrat running an establishment campaign; or vote for someone else.

That someone else is Curtis Sliwa (who, endearingly, is also running on the Protect Animals line.) “Look up Sliwa on TikTok or Instagram,” Shawn Griffiths wrote at Independent Voter News, “and there are countless videos from Mamdani supporters, in particular, who say they won’t vote for Sliwa, they disagree with him on policy, but they like him and feel that he represents a true New Yorker.” As one TikTok commenter put it: “I don’t want Sliwa to win, but I want him to run for everything.” More importantly, Republicans like him too, and remain unpersuaded by right-wing social media influencers that they should vote for an unlikable, dishonest, Democrat who puts his hands on women strange to him, to save their city from a communist threat that does not exist.

Sliwa explicitly rejects the MAGA political style and its rhetoric. “We have had socialists in elected office. We have had communists in the city council,” Sliwa said. “Somehow life went on. We survived it. It’s part of the political process. I don’t fear socialists. I don’t fear communists. I say, leave it to the people.”

Who knows, if the campaign was two years longer Sliwa might even win this thing! Emerson positions him as having gained 11 points since the last poll, which would translate to 21% of the vote. According to NBC New York, these gains put Sliwa “within striking distance of Cuomo for second place.” This also leads us to the conclusion that the more exposure New Yorkers have to Cuomo, the less they like him.

Finally, I would argue that Mamdani and Sliwa have three other things in common, other than being little rays of sunshine in an otherwise bleak political landscape. They both exude authenticity. They understand that New York is a city of neighborhoods, not demographics to be sliced and diced. Finally, they both embody a New York City, can-do, in-your-face, go anywhere campaign style that comes off as distinctly unmanufactured by professional campaign consultants. They remind most of us that the most iconic mayors—Fiorello LaGuardia, John Lindsay, and Ed Koch, who plunged into crowds with sleeves rolled up, and asked for voters’ support as if they really wanted it—were fun.

So, by this time on Wednesday, Zohran Kwame Mamdani will be the first Muslim and the first Democratic Socialist to be mayor of New York City.

And I am there for it.

Claire Bond Potter is a political historian who taught at the New School for Social Research. She is a contributing editor to Public Seminar and wrote the popular blog Tenured Radical from 2006 through 2015. Please consider subscribing to Political Junkie, her Substack newsletter.

Reprinted with permission from Political Junkie.

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