Tag: amazon
Jeff Bezos

The Free Market Op-Ed That Bezos' Washington Post Rejected

The Jeff Bezos-owned Washington Post recently changed its policies on its op-ed page. It replaced most of its former editorial staff and announced a commitment to promoting the free market and free expression.

Many of us have laughed at these ostensible commitments. The Trump administration is probably the most anti-free market presidency this country has ever seen. A president constantly demanding shows of loyalty from private companies is antithetical to free market capitalism. The commitment to free expression also seems dubious in a country where talking honestly about this country’s past or present can be the basis for firing or even criminal charges.

Anyhow, I have often pointed out that many people who ostensibly believe in the free market are just fine with government-granted patent and copyright monopolies, government interventions that transfer trillions of dollars from the rest of us to those in a position to benefit from these monopolies. I joked that the Washington Post op-ed page probably would not be interested in a piece that argued for a free market, as opposed to these government monopolies.

A friend suggested that I write a piece along these lines and see if the Post would take it. I did and they didn’t:

Time for a Free Market in Prescription Drugs

Advocates of “free markets” usually focus on tariffs and government regulations, but they almost never look at the most costly regulations, patents and copyrights. Incredibly, most discussions turn reality on its head and treat these government-granted monopolies as being part of the free market. Powerful interests benefit from these monopolies, but political power does not change reality; patents and copyrights are massive government interventions into the free market.

These monopolies cause problems everywhere, but nowhere is the harm greater than with prescription drugs. The problem of high-priced prescription drugs is entirely an issue of patent monopolies. Drugs are almost always cheap to manufacture and distribute, the reason why some drugs sell for hundreds or even thousands of dollars per prescription, is that the government has granted a patent monopoly.

The patentholder can go to court to stop any competitors from producing the same drug. If their competitor persists, they will face huge penalties, possibly including jail time.

There is an enormous amount of money at stake with prescription drugs. We will spend over $700 billion this year on prescription drugs and other pharmaceutical products. If these drugs were all sold in a free market, without patent monopolies or related protections, they would likely cost less than one-fifth as much.

The difference of $560 billion comes to $4,400 per household annually. It’s more than the cost of the “Big Beautiful Bill.” It’s even more money than President Trump hopes to raise from his tariffs. It is real money by any standard.

But the money at stake is only part of the story. The huge profits drug companies can make from selling drugs at prices in the hundreds or thousands of dollars per prescription, that cost them $10 or $20 to produce, gives them enormous incentive to mislead doctors and the public about their safety and effectiveness.

The most extreme case of dishonest drug pushing was the opioid crisis. The major manufacturers paid out huge settlements over allegations that they deliberately provided misleading information about the addictiveness of the new generation of opioids.

While opioids are an extreme case, the problem of drug companies providing misleading information about their products is well known. Medical journals have long had to contend with ghost-authored articles, where doctors lend their names to pieces written by a person paid by a pharmaceutical company. Similarly, doctors have often taken payments to give talks at medical conferences praising a company’s drugs. With so much money at stake, there is no easy way around this problem.

Also, drug companies routinely game the system to find ways to extend their monopolies and keep out generic competition. And they spend hundreds of millions on campaign contributions and lobbying Congress to make their patents longer and stronger.

Patent monopolies do serve an obvious purpose. They give drug companies an incentive to conduct research and develop new drugs.

This would be a powerful argument for patents if they were the only way to provide this incentive. However, there are alternatives, most obviously just paying for the research upfront.

We already did this to a large extent. Before the cuts put in place by the Trump administration we were spending over $50 billion a year on biomedical research through the National Institutes of Health and other government agencies. Almost everyone familiar with the research considered this to be money very well spent.

While most of this funding went to support basic research, there is no reason that we could not triple or quadruple the funding to include downstream research. It could pay for the development and testing of new drugs, with all new drugs available to be produced as generics in a free market from the day they are approved by the Food and Drug Administration.

This would end the problem of high-priced drugs and also eliminate most of the incentive to mislead the public about the safety and effectiveness of drugs. This risk could be further reduced by requiring that all research be fully open source, with all new findings and test results available on the Internet as quickly as practical.

This sort of system of publicly supported research can be sliced and diced in a thousand different ways. Rather than having a single government agency dishing out the funds, there could be private companies, like our current drug companies, that would compete for long-term contracts (e.g. 10-20 years) to undertake research in different areas.

Dean Baker is an economist, author, and co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research. His writing has appeared in many major publications, including The Atlantic, The Washington Post, and The Financial Times.

Reprinted with permission from Substack.

Todd Lyons

ICE Chief Wants Mass Deportation To Work 'Like Amazon With Human Beings'

Acting Immigrations and Customs Enforcement Director Todd Lyons told attendees of the Border Security Expo conference in Phoenix, Arizona, on Tuesday that he wants to round up human beings like Amazon deliveries.

He said that the government needs to “get better at treating this like a business” and that he wants the deportation process to work “like [Amazon] Prime, but with human beings.”

Lyons’ dehumanizing language echoes both the rhetoric of past genocidal regimes—including Nazi Germany—and President Donald Trump himself, who has referred to immigrants as “animals,” “not human,” who were “poisoning the blood” of the country.

Other Trump administration officials who attended the conference reinforced Lyons’ harsh anti-immigrant rhetoric.

Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem gave the keynote speech during the conference, discussing her path from South Dakota governor to her current role within the Trump administration.

Noem, who described immigration at the southern border as “a war and an invasion,” echoed racist mass shooters and members of the white supremacist movement who have frequently characterized immigration as part of an “invasion.”

Similarly, Trump’s “border czar” Tom Homan told the audience that the policy of “family detention,” where children are detained as part of the deportation process, is “on the table.”

In fact, ICE recently detained a mother and three children from Homan’s hometown of Sacketts Harbor, New York, at a facility in Texas.

Homan was recently in the news after complaining about Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York for educating immigrants of their legal rights under the Constitution. In response, she mocked Homan and suggested that he use the Constitution to “learn to read.”

Trump has made opposition to immigration a central part of his identity since becoming a politician in 2015. The remarks from his top administration officials show that the issue remains central to their ideology—and that dehumanization is at its core.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

Why I'm Not Canceling Amazon -- Or My Washington Post Subscription

Why I'm Not Canceling Amazon -- Or My Washington Post Subscription

Had you ever heard of Patrick Soon-Shiong before last week? For that matter, do you recognize him today? Probably not. He’s the billionaire owner of the Los Angeles Times, who has decided that his personal newspaper will not publish a presidential endorsement this year or ever again. I had to google his identity just now myself.

Soon-Shiong is a South African physician of Chinese descent, a professor at UCLA and several other prestigious medical schools around the world. He’s clearly a scientific genius and a pioneer in transplant surgery, cancer treatment and vaccine development. A philanthropist, he’s said to be the richest man in Los Angeles.

I can think of no obvious reason, however, why anybody would take Soon-Shiong’s political opinions—whatever they may be—more seriously than their brother-in-law’s. It may be that he has come to the same conclusion. Or maybe he’s simply hedging his bets because he doesn’t know which presidential candidate will win next week’s election, and he has heard and heeded Donald Trump’s threats of retribution against anybody he deems a political enemy.

True or false, that certainly appeared to be Jeff Bezos’ motive. The founder of Amazon and owner of the Washington Post ended up looking cowardly to the many readers who have cancelled their subscriptions to the newspaper whose motto “Democracy Dies in Darkness,” strikes them as lame in view of his decision not to endorse a presidential candidate for the first time in decades. The Post itself is an insignificant part of its owners’ far-flung financial interests.

As a business decision, the newspaper’s non-endorsement looked like a no-brainer. Also a no-guts move, according the the Post’s justly-celebrated former editor Marty Baron. “This is cowardice, with democracy as its casualty,” he posted on X. “Disturbing spinelessness at an institution famed for courage.”

But you know what? Even if the Washington Post had published a strongly-worded editorial endorsement of Kamala Harris, as everybody had expected it would, this subscriber probably wouldn’t have read it. As I haven’t read the New York Times’ official endorsement of Harris, and wouldn’t dream of perusing the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette’s expected encomium to the manly virtues of candidate Trump. Although I read large parts of all three newspapers daily, I normally skip unsigned, team-written editorials on any and all topics—politics in particular.

Having spent some years working at a publication where editorial decisions were made by committee (Newsweek in the 1980s, back when it was still a respected publication) I have limited enthusiasm for anonymous, group-written voices from nowhere. The Washington Post publishes a number of opinion columnists I read regularly: Jennifer Rubin, Fareed Zakaria, Philip Bump, David Ignatius, Dana Millbank, Eric Wemple...There are others whose individual voices I greatly respect.

Many of the above were among the 17 Post staffers that signed a protest letter to Jeff Bezos. Which tells you one good thing about him: they don’t fear retribution.

Indeed, I found myself in agreement with what Bezos himself wrote about his decision not to endorse anybody:

“Presidential endorsements,” Bezos wrote in the Post “do nothing to tip the scales of an election. No undecided voters in Pennsylvania are going to say, ‘I’m going with Newspaper A’s endorsement.’ None. What presidential endorsements actually do is create a perception of bias. A perception of non-independence. Ending them is a principled decision, and it’s the right one.”

That said, Bezos’ timing couldn’t have been worse. If he was going to make this decision at all, he should have made it months ago. It’s also a naïve assumption on his part that the news media’s lack of credibility among some Americans stems from editorials they disagree with. Judging from hostile reader emails, I’d have to say that many never absorbed the distinction between fact and opinion taught in seventh grade in the first place.

They certainly pay little heed to the distinction between the news and opinion pages of the newspaper, and there are well-financed propaganda operations working hard to be sure that they never do. Any and everybody whose opinion differs from their own is a notorious liar.

Just the other day, Donald Trump threatened to come after dissenting journalists during his imagined second term: “They’re so nasty. They’re so evil. They are actually the enemy of the people,” he said last Saturday.

Yeah, well you know what? To hell with him.

Speaking as somebody who once resigned from the best job I ever had in a 3 A.M. email rather than allow my byline to appear on an article filled with statements I knew to be wrong, I’m not about to cower before a manifest fraud like Trump.

But I’m also not going to drop my subscription to the Washington Post nor quit shopping at Amazon. My Kindle alone justifies the price of admission. On that score, I see Jeff Bezos as a benefactor of mankind.

Gene Lyons is a former columnist for the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, a winner of the National Magazine Award, and co-author of The Hunting of the President.

Marjorie Taylor Greene

Big Firms Including Amazon And Boeing Gave $100M To Election Deniers

In the wake of the insurrection at the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, in which a mob of far-right rioters attempted to violently disrupt Congress' certification of the 2020 Electoral College count, numerous corporations vowed publicly to stop donating to Republicans who supported the rioters' cause.

However, a new report from nonpartisan campaign finance research group Open Secrets shows that corporations have been flooding the campaign war chests of Republican election deniers in Congress, with more than $108 million donated since the insurrection.

"Companies pledged to pull back, but we have not seen that play out," Open Secrets investigations manager Anna Massoglia recently told the New York Times.

To come to that amount, Open Secrets tracked donations to the campaigns of the 147 House and Senate Republicans (also known as the "Sedition Caucus") who voted to overturn the 2020 election the same day supporters of former President Donald Trump ransacked the US Capitol, killing five police officers and injuring hundreds more in the process. Researchers then zeroed in on donations that came from approximately 1,400 business political action committees and trade associations.

According to Open Secrets, PACs and trade groups donated roughly $91.4 million to the Sedition Caucus in the three years since the insurrection, and funded leadership PACs affiliated with Sedition Caucus members to the tune of $16.7 million more. Some of the biggest donors include the National Association of Realtors — a trade group for the real estate industry — the American Bankers Association and United Parcel Service. Other major corporate donors to election deniers include military contractors like Northrop Grumman, General Dynamics and General Atomics.

Notably, many of these donations came from the very same companies that pledged to stop supporting the Sedition Caucus. As journalist Judd Legum reported in his newsletter Popular Information, household name brands like Airbnb, Amazon, AT&T, Boeing and Pfizer publicly vowed to cut off donations to election deniers in 2021. However, Open Secrets found that all of those companies quietly resumed donations, in addition to other companies that pledged to stop supporting 2020 election conspiracy theorists like Comcast, Deloitte, General Motors, Home Depot, Marathon Petroleum, Raytheon and SpaceX, among others.

"Support for these organizations does not represent an endorsement for all issues that the organization supports," General Motors said of a 2021 donation to the Republican State Leadership Committee, which signed a statement in support of election denialism.

Reprinted with permission from Alternet.

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