Tag: elon musk
Elon Musk

What To Do About Right-Wing (And Far Right) Control Of Social Media

As Trump and his gang of loony right-wingers run wild, it seems that the Democrats have adopted the slogan, “What can you do?” We all know racism and sexism are powerful forces, but if all you can do is genuflect in front of them, just shut the eff up. We need to try to find ways to work around them; anyone who is convinced that effort is futile should take up gardening or whatever. We don’t need your words of doom.

That is all tangential to the topic I want to address: the right’s dominance of social media and Section 230. To remind folks, Section 230 protects social media platforms from liability for third party content. This means that unlike print or broadcast media, which can be sued for carrying defamatory content from third parties, X, Facebook, and TikTok can freely profit from defamatory lies.

To my mind, this should change. It seems defenders of Section 230 are determined to avoid any rational discussion of the issue. My prior posts on the topic have been greeted with assertions that I am proposing that the government censor speech.

How can this be government censorship when I am not even proposing the government play any role in determining what speech is acceptable? I am just arguing that private individuals and corporations should have the same sort of protection against defamatory material spread on the Internet as they do against defamatory material spread by print or broadcast media.

Few seem to consider our current defamation laws government censorship. How can it amount to government censorship if a comparable structure is put in place for the Internet?

To be clear, we need to tailor the rules differently for the Internet than for print and broadcast media. Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg can’t be expected to monitor the hundreds of millions of items posted daily for defamatory material. But they can respond to takedown notices, just as they already do in the case of alleged copyright infringement. Under the 1998 Digital Millennium Copyright Act, Internet sites are required to remove allegedly infringing material promptly after notification, otherwise they risk a lawsuit for infringement.

A similar standard can be applied for defamation. The person defamed would have to notify Musk or Zuckerberg of the material and specify why it is defamatory. The platforms would have some period of time to review the case and determine whether or not it warrants removal. The law could also specify that they post a correction indicating that the site had previously posted the defamatory item, as newspapers and broadcast outlets typically do, but that is the sort of thing that can be debated in structuring the law.

The logic of applying the law to the social media site, and not just the person posting the material, is both that they magnify the damage, and they profit from it. If a person is yelling on the street that their neighbor is a pedophile, the neighbor is probably not harmed much by it.

But if they buy an ad saying the neighbor is a pedophile and pay Elon Musk or Mark Zuckerberg to post it to tens of millions of people on their platforms, the neighbor very likely is hurt. Any newspaper or broadcast outlet would refuse to take such an ad, precisely because they know they would be faced with a serious defamation suit. Because of Section 230, Musk or Zuckerberg can just pocket the money and let the neighbor worry about having their life ruined.

It’s also worth pointing out that the same issue arises even if Musk or Zuckerberg are not directly paid to post the defamatory material. Both sites make their money by selling ads to their audience. If spreading defamatory material helps them get a larger audience, they profit from it, even if less directly.

To see how this could work, let me refer to an actual case I saw recently. A few days ago, a prominent right-wing influencer tweeted on X an assertion that could easily be shown to be a lie, about a Democratic politician. If anyone believed the lie, it would be damaging to the politician. (I’m leaving identifying information out to avoid any possible embarrassment to the politician in question.)

While the politician does have the option of filing a defamation suit against the influencer, because of Section 230, they would have no case against Elon Musk. If my preferred policy was in effect, they would send Musk a notice, informing him of the defamatory tweet, explaining how it was defamatory and how it could be determined that it was not true.

Musk would then have some, presumably short, time period to review the complaint and make a decision about taking down the tweet. He could also be required to post a correction to the people who follow the influencer (my preferred option). If he chose to leave the defamatory tweet posted, then he could also be sued along with the influencer.

If anyone considers this an excessive burden, remember print and broadcast outlets face this burden all the time. And if anyone wants to argue that rich people will just sue every site for defamation, they already have that option with print and broadcast media. We need to design a system that protects against abusive defamation suits. If we have failed in that area, who gives a damn whether or not social media platforms enjoy protection?

Some people have argued that if we allow social media companies to be sued for carrying defamatory material, they will just censor everything from the left. This is an absurd fear given the reality we face. Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, and the rest can and do already censor pieces from the left they don’t like.

This in fact is a right guaranteed by the First Amendment. They are private platforms. They can take down any item they don’t like or structure their algorithms so that almost no one will see them. They might use a repeal of Section 230 protection as an excuse to remove material from the left, but this would only be doing something they wanted to do anyhow and already had the full legal right to do. (There may be some issues with the terms of service, but that would not be affected by Section 230.)

Restructuring Section 230 Could Downsize Giant Platforms

The dominance of social media by a small number of giant platforms is dangerous for democracy. And that would be true even if the owners were not all right-wing loons. A restructuring of Section 230 can be done in a way that would work to at least partially offset the network effects that push people towards the giant platforms.

We could have a revised Section 230 that leaves in place the current protection for sites that don’t rely on advertising or selling personal information. That would mean that sites that survive on subscriptions or donations could continue to operate just as they do now.

I don’t know how much this change would affect the viability of the giant platforms in their current form. I’ve heard people knowledgeable about social media assure me that it would just mean that Facebook and X have to hire a few more lawyers, but no big deal. I also have been assured that they would not be able to continue their current mode of operation and would have to become subscription based.

For my part, I will confess to not knowing how much impact it would have. It would unambiguously raise their costs. Whether that means a substantial hit to their profits or a need to fundamentally change their model, I have no idea. But it is difficult to see a rationale for not holding this type of media responsible for circulating defamatory material in the same way as print and broadcast media. If doing so also downsizes Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg’s platforms, all the better.

To be clear, I have no illusion that a Republican Congress would pass this sort of restructuring of Section 230, or that Trump would sign it, if some miracle happened. But it is still worth getting ideas like this on the table in the event we ever return to democratic government. It also should prompt some clearer thinking among progressives, and they can see what the Democrats missed while they were on their summer vacation for the last three decades.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

A Shrinking World Market For That Would-Be Trillionaire's Vehicles

A Shrinking World Market For That Would-Be Trillionaire's Vehicles

The Tesla board has offered to make Elon Musk the planet's first trillionaire if he meets certain milestones in rocketing the automaker to new glory.

Did Musk show true brilliance the first time around? Yes, he did. Tesla's stock price rose 700 percent in 2020, making it more valuable than Toyota, Volkswagen, General Motors and Ford combined.

But there's another question. Who is going to buy his Teslas now?

Musk has burned many a bridge since he built up the company to a world force. Tesla was once the great green energy hope, offering an elegant way to replace planet-warming fossil fuels with cleaner electric power. Recall that the Obama administration extended the company a $465 million federal loan because Teslas had made electric vehicles cool.

But then Musk spent over a quarter-billion dollars getting Donald Trump elected in 2024, angering his environmentalist consumers. As head of the Department of Government Efficiency, Musk gleefully went after environmental funding, including grants to universities and services tied to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.

Overnight, Teslas became uncool. Some Teslas were torched, showrooms attacked and even charging stations set on fire. Embarrassed Tesla owners put stickers on their vehicles with slogans like, "I bought this before we knew Elon was crazy."

(No excuse for the vandalism. Many Tesla owners had bought the EVs as a badge of environmental activism. In any case, harming private property to make a political point is criminal, whatever the motive.)

Tesla is on track to mark its second consecutive year of falling revenues here and elsewhere. European sales have fallen by 40% and more, reflecting Musk's ties to the much-disliked Trump.

In one of Tesla's biggest foreign markets, Germany, sales in the first seven months of this year crashed by more than 55%. Musk tried to insert himself into that country's election by endorsing the far-far right Alternative for Germany party as "the best hope for Germany." (Chancellor Olaf Scholz condemned his remarks as "disgusting.") Musk also provided an ugly visual by raising his arm in what looked like a Nazi salute. In this country, Teslas were painted with swastikas and the words "Nazi cars."

Meanwhile, Tesla no longer dominates the EV show in this country. Chevrolet's Equinox EV now competes with Tesla's Model Y. Cadillac's Optiq crossover has entered the EV market big time. And Ford is converting a Kentucky assembly plant to build affordable midsize electric pickups.

The Chinese EV maker, BYD Co., has just passed Tesla in European sales. BMW, Mercedes-Benz and Volkswagen are also showcasing their new models.

Tesla is hard at work trying to launch a robotaxi service. But so are other companies.

Because Musk has done so much for MAGA, it's possible that members of that EV-bashing movement might buy Teslas in a show of solidarity. But Musk is no longer one with the Great Leader.

He's had run-ins with Trump, most notably his bashing of the "One Big Beautiful Bill." Two obvious reasons for Musk's discontent: It ended subsidies to buy electric vehicles and slowed the expansion of charging stations. Consumers have until the end of this month to make use of the $7,500 new clean vehicle tax credit.

And so who is going to buy Musk's cars now? Probably not the defenders of all that Trump does and says. Not the environmentalists who despise Musk. Not the 280,000 federal workers his DOGE fired. Or their families. And not many of the EV shoppers who today have more choices.

Musk may have drawn warm applause from investors when he promised to devote "maniacal" attention to Tesla going forward. It's a good guess, however, that the audience of actual buyers was sitting on its hands.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

A Defeat For Musk: Media Matters Wins Ruling On 'Retaliatory'  FTC Probe

A Defeat For Musk: Media Matters Wins Ruling On 'Retaliatory'  FTC Probe

A federal court in Washington, D.C. issued a preliminary injunction today blocking the Federal Trade Commission’s investigation into Media Matters for America from moving forward while the court considers the lawsuit Media Matters filed on June 23.

In response, Angelo Carusone, Chairman and President of Media Matters, issued the following statement:

“The court’s ruling demonstrates the importance of fighting over folding, which far too many are doing when confronted with intimidation from the Trump administration. This case is not just about the campaign to punish and silence Media Matters, however. It is a critical test for whether the courts will allow any administration - from any political party - to bully media and non-profit organizations through illegal abuses of power. We will continue to stand up and fight for the First Amendment rights that protect every American.”

A copy of the court’s ruling is available here. Media Matters’ motion for a preliminary injunction is available here.

Key excerpts from the court’s opinion:

  • “Speech on matters of public concern is the heartland of the First Amendment. The principle that public issues should be debated freely has long been woven into the very fabric of who we are as a Nation. Without it, our democracy stands on shaky ground. It should alarm all Americans when the Government retaliates against individuals or organizations for engaging in constitutionally protected public debate. And that alarm should ring even louder when the Government retaliates against those engaged in newsgathering and reporting.”
  • “Media Matters engaged in quintessential First Amendment activity when it published an online article criticizing Mr. Musk and X.”

The FTC’s investigation is the latest effort by Elon Musk and his allies in the Trump administration to retaliate against Media Matters for its reporting on X, the social media site Musk controls, and it’s another example of the Trump administration weaponizing government authorities to target political opponents. In fact, following federal court rulings against regulatory investigations from Attorneys General Ken Paxton and Andrew Bailey, this is the third time a federal court has stepped in to block this campaign of retaliation by Republican elected officials and protect Media Matters’ constitutional right to free speech.

Musk has led a coordinated assault on Media Matters since November 2023, when the group published a report showing that X was displaying ads beside pro-Nazi posts.

Reprinted with permission from Media Matters

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