Tag: medicare advantage
Trump Van Winkle, Obamacare And The 'Money-Sucking' Health Insurance Industry

Trump Van Winkle, Obamacare And The 'Money-Sucking' Health Insurance Industry

There is an old child’s tale about Rip Van Winkle. He fell asleep for 20 years and wakes up after the American Revolution and finds the world has changed in big ways. Donald Trump seems to be doing his own Rip Van Winkle routine. Yesterday, Trump suggested as an alternative to Obamacare, which he said feeds the “money sucking” insurance industry, that we just give money directly to people and let them buy their own healthcare.

This is a Rip Van Winkle story because Trump seems to think he has come up with a new idea. He apparently has missed the debate around healthcare reform that led up to Obamacare. He also apparently missed the debate on developing an alternative during his first term.While we don’t know exactly what Trump has in mind -- the plan will be ready in two weeks :), I hear -- there are fundamental problems with this sort of "just give people cash" idea. These problems push serious people, who have been awake, towards something like Obamacare or universal Medicare.

The basic problem of providing healthcare coverage is that some people have health conditions that are very expensive to treat, but most people are relatively healthy. If we just left things to the market, insurers will only cover healthy people. These people are very profitable for the industry, since they are basically just sending their insurer a check every month.

The problem is with the tens of millions of people who have health issues like diabetes, heart disease, cancer, or other conditions. These people are big money losers for the industry. They will avoid insuring them if they can or alternatively charge them tens of thousands a year for coverage. They may also contest making payments by claiming people had failed to disclose their health condition when they applied for insurance. I briefly went through the problems of the pre-ACA insurance market a few weeks back.

If Trump just gives people cash, it will do nothing to get around these problems. First, it is not clear which people he wants to give cash, and which cash. If he just means the enhanced subsides, he has around $35 billion a year to play with. Currently, around 22 million people get the enhanced subsidies, so that would imply checks of around $1.600 a year.

But there are another 28 million people currently without insurance, and another 2 million getting insurance in the exchanges without subsidies. Surely these people should be eligible for the Trump checks also. That would come to 52 million people sharing $35 billion, giving them each a check of less than $700.

Making the story even more complicated, people gain and lose coverage all the time, as they or a family member gets hired or leave a job with insurance. They may also gain or lose coverage for a government program like Medicaid. This means Trump has to figure out whether he will be sending out his checks once a year, giving many people a huge bonus and screwing those who lose their job after the cutoff date. Alternatively, this would have to be some sort of recurring payment, monthly or quarterly.

Perhaps Trump intends to take all the money going to Obamacare, not just the enhanced subsidies, which the Center on Policy Priorities puts at $125 billion, and roll it into his Trump checks. That would make them around $1,900 a year.

The next question is what Trump expects people to do with their money. A young healthy person may be able to cover their healthcare costs with $1,900 a year, but even these people would likely want insurance against the risk they may incur a serious illness or be in some sort of accident. Good luck finding insurance for $170 a month.

And the problem is far worse for older people and people with major health issues. In an unregulated insurance market, these people would be paying thousands of dollars a month for their insurance. Their Trump check will not go very far towards covering a premium of several thousand dollars a month.

Perhaps Trump plans to keep the Obamacare restrictions that require insurers to cover everyone, regardless of health condition, and prohibits discriminating based on health condition. That would limit the payments for people with health problems but still mean premiums that dwarf the size of the Trump checks, especially for those in the oldest pre-Medicare age bracket 55-64.

That would also put us basically where we are now except the checks would be smaller and untargeted, since all people without insurance, not just those enrolling in the exchanges, would be getting checks. Also, the current payments are adjusted by income. We don’t know whether Trump plans his checks to be income-based.

And in this story, the money would still be going to money sucking insurance companies, except presumably with less regulation so that the money sucking insurance companies could suck up more money. Under Obamacare, insurers have to pay out at least 80 percent of what they collect in premiums to providers, otherwise their customers get a rebate. Since Trump wants to get the government out of the picture, the insurers could presumably pocket even more money.

If Trump really wants to go after the money sucking insurance companies, getting them out of Medicare would be a great start. They mostly add cost to the program. He can improve the traditional program, adding dental, eyecare, and hearing coverage, and also imposing an out-of-pocket cap, and stop paying money sucking insurers in the Medicare Advantage program. Due to their higher administrative costs and profits, Medicare Advantage costs the government at least $100 billion a year compared to the traditional Medicare program.

If we’re really serious about cracking down on the money sucking insurance companies, why not go all the way and just provide universal Medicare. This would not only save the money directly paid to insurers, it would also eliminate much of the cost that hospitals, doctors’ offices and other providers have to incur dealing with complex forms from multiple insurers. This could save as much as $1 trillion a year ($8,000 per household) compared to what we pay now for administrative costs and insurance industry profits.

A universal Medicare system would also mean that everyone has access to healthcare regardless of where they work, what government program they qualify for, or if they remembered to pay their insurance premium last month. Not many would have expected Donald Trump to be the person to get us to Medicare for All, but if he really wants to crack down on money sucking insurance companies, that would be the way to go. Welcome aboard, comrade!


Overpriced And Overhyped: Is Medicare Advantage Sliding Downhill?

Overpriced And Overhyped: Is Medicare Advantage Sliding Downhill?

Ready for a raucous yet serious look at Medicare Advantage? Check out HBO’s Last Week Tonight with John Oliver from this past weekend:

- YouTube youtube.com

No need to recap its highlights here, since I’ve written frequently about all of the issues he raises in his half-hour show.

But I did want to highlight what is going on in the Medicare Advantage marketplace now that open enrollment is underway. I reported earlier this month about how most major insurers are cutting back their MA plan offerings, abandoning costly regions and even some states.

Now we’re finally getting some sense of the scale of those cutbacks. After reporting UnitedHealth’s third quarter earnings on Tuesday, CEO Stephen Hemsley told stock analysts the company expects to lose about one million Medicare Advantage members for the 2026 plan year or about 12 percent of the company’s total 2025 MA enrollment.

That’s a stunningly high number. If other companies selling MA plans experience even half that level of decline, the privatized share of the total Medicare market will fall well below half and could wind up as low as 45 percent in 2026.

UnitedHealth blamed rising costs due to greater utilization and higher provider prices for the declining profitability of its MA segment. Its medical loss ratio (the share of revenue spent on actual health care) rose to 89.9 percent in the third quarter, up from 85.2% a year ago. The government requires insurers spend at least 85 percent of their premiums on providing care. The rest gets spent on overhead, marketing and profits, which until this year were quite hefty, largely due to overpriced (to the government, that is) MA plans.

There may be an additional reason for the company’s declining profitability, which fell 61 percent from a year ago despite revenue growing 12 percent in the third quarter. Doctors and nurses are beginning to question the company’s upcoding strategy, where it incentivizes clinicians to diagnose diseases for inclusion in patient charts despite the fact those diseases are not being treated or in need of treatment.

For example, as John Oliver reported in his piece, UnitedHealth documented over a three-year period 246,000 cases of secondary hyperaldosteronism (oversecretion of a blood pressure-regulating hormone in patients with heart, liver and kidney disease), even though they never tested for aldosterone. This single upcoding scheme resulted in $450 million in additional government payouts to UnitedHealth. As a former house calls nurse told Oliver, “In a million years, I wouldn’t have come up with a diagnosis like secondary hyperaldosteronism.”

Why might clinicians be backing away from participating in the schemes? STAT reports this morning that UnitedHealth wants to turn more of its 90,000 affiliated physicians into full-time employees. Currently, nearly 90 percent of those doctors remain in independent practices despite have signed contracts with United that involve some form of “value-based” payment arrangements. Those usually involve some form of shared savings, where the physician practices earn bonuses if they hold down total spending on their patients.

But some of these physician practices (and the nurses they send into homes to document untreated conditions) are balking at a scheme whose only purpose is to inflate Medicare’s per-patient-per-month flat fee for each patient, which is risk adjusted to reflect existing medical conditions. As STAT noted in its report:

“A number of current and former UnitedHealth doctors who complained about the way the company micromanaged their practices and forced them to focus on coding patients above all else. … Documents provided to STAT showed UnitedHealth offered some of them $10,000 bonuses and prepared dashboards showing the top performers.”

It’s possible “they simply want to get rid of physicians who balk at adding untreated diagnoses to patient profiles,” STAT concluded.

Extra fees for hospital systems

Clinicians have other reasons for wanting to back away from treating MA patients. Modern Healthcare reported this morning that Elevance Health (previously known as the for-profit Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield) will begin tacking on a 10 percent administrative penalty if health systems make referrals to out-of-network specialists and other providers. While the policy will only affect its commercial insurance market at first, it will likely be expanded to include Elevance’s more than two million MA enrollees if they get away with it, which some experts doubt.

“You cannot get away with shoveling billions out the door to your shareholders in the form of share buybacks and then turn around and gouge hospitals facing huge Medicaid payment cuts,” Jeff Goldsmith, president of consultancy Health Futures, told Modern Healthcare. “Expect a gigantic middle finger from the provider community and a lot more leaving Elevance networks.”

Many MA plans are also cutting back on the extra benefits they offer seniors who are in the program.

So here’s the landscape as we head deeper into open enrollment season. Insurers are cutting benefits, squeezing physicians, and narrowing networks. This insurer response to declining profits — and this is even before the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services makes serious cuts in the excessive payments to MA plans — ensures MA’s share of Medicare’s total enrollment will fall next year.

The only thing that could stop it now would be for Congress to come up with a bailout. I wouldn’t put it past them to try to include it the reconciliation bill that finally reopens the government, especially if they compromise on the main issues Democrats have put on the table: Restoring the enhanced premiums subsidies for ACA plans and eliminating the Medicaid cuts.

Merrill Goozner, the former editor of Modern Healthcare, writes about health care and politics at GoozNews.substack.com, where this column first appeared. Please consider subscribing to support his work.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News

New Report Sharpens Doubt About Medicare Advantage As Open Enrollment Begins

New Report Sharpens Doubt About Medicare Advantage As Open Enrollment Begins

Open enrollment for the over-65 crowd began yesterday with most analysts predicting there will be a sharp dip in the number of seniors who choose privatized Medicare Advantage plans for 2026.

That’s good news for people worried about the program’s fiscal health and the looming expiration of its trust fund, now slated for 2033. The Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services paid MA plans an estimated $84 billion more than it would have had the 54 percent of all beneficiaries choosing MA plans in 2025 — the most ever — remained in traditional Medicare, according to the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission.

Why do experts predict many people will opt out next year? In part, it’s because the three major insurers selling MA plans — UnitedHealth, Humana, and CVS Health’s Aetna — have eliminated hundreds of counties, and in some cases, entire states from their plans.

Despite the enormous profits they earn from MA, insurers complain rising prices and greater utilization are driving up their expenses (true) while the federal government is curtailing reimbursement (false). The Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services final MA payment rule, unveiled last April, showed private health plans will get an effective rate increase of nine pecent in 2026, which is several percentage points above inflation-adjusted economic growth rate.

Disappearing plans is not the only reason why people are abandoning MA. Consumer preference is playing a huge role.

Private insurers are increasingly using prior authorization to curb utilization. Prior authorization is where physicians are required to obtain insurer approval before making specialist referrals, prescribing certain drugs, tests and procedures, and, in some cases, ordering preventive care. This delay and deny strategy (the first allows insurers to earn money on the float; the second simply cuts expenses) is drawing enormous pushback from physicians and patients, so much so that the industry was forced to announce this past summer it would take steps to ease the approval process — by 2027.

The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services has also been revamping its “star” rating system, which is one of the few tools elderly consumers have for comparing the quality and outcomes of different plans. Insurers sometimes game the system by combining multiple counties from widely dispersed geographic areas into a single plan for star-rating purposes, which gives a false picture to beneficiaries who happen to live in poor-performing counties included in the plan. Insurers must have 94 percent of its MA members in plans rated 4-star or 5-star before getting a five percent bonus payment.

The revamp is having an impact. For instance, in 2024 Humana had 94 percent of its MA plan members in 4- or 5-star rated plans. The changes instituted by CMS (an agency which so far has escaped the scientific quackery and staff cutbacks Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Martin Makary have imposed on the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Food and Drug Administration, respectively) reduced its 4- and 5-star share to 25 percent this year, according to a story yesterday in Modern Healthcare. Earlier this week, the U.S. District Court in North Texas rejected Humana’s suit challenging the reduction.

Has Medicare Advantage improved quality?

There is still a substantive debate about whether MA has improved quality for its beneficiaries.

The original idea behind Medicare Advantage, which took off in the early 2000s, was that privatization of Medicare would lead to lower costs since the private sector was, allegedly, more efficient. Proponents of MA also argued that replacing fee-for-service reimbursement as deployed by the government in traditional Medicare with privately managed care would lead to higher quality, greater patient satisfaction and, most importantly, better outcomes.

The first argument is demonstrably false. As numerous MedPAC reports have shown, MA hasn’t saved the government a dime. In fact, over the years it has cost the government hundreds of billions of dollars more.

But have we at least gotten better results from all the extra taxpayer money shoveled out to the insurance industry through privatization? Dozens of studies have been conducted over the years testing that question. Proponents of MA, led by the Better Medicare Alliance, an industry front group, cherry pick the literature to claim MA enrollees have fewer hospital readmissions, fewer preventable hospitalizations and reduce the use of high-risk medications among seniors. Privatization opponents like the Center for Medicare Advocacy are equally adamant that quality in MA is at best no different than traditional Medicare, and in some cases worse.

A September 2022 Kaiser Family Foundation report examined 62 studies published since 2016 that compared MA and traditional Medicare based on measures of beneficiary experience, affordability, service utilization, and quality. The report found MA “outperformed traditional Medicare on some measures, such as use of preventive services, having a usual source of care, and lower hospital readmission rates. However, traditional Medicare outperformed [MA] on other measures, such as receiving care in the highest-rated hospitals for cancer care or in the highest-quality skilled nursing facilities and home health agencies.”

Today, the Commonwealth Fund offered a first-of-its-kind comparison study of Medicare performance in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. While comparing traditional Medicare to Medicare Advantage wasn’t its focus, and its authors caution against using its findings to highlight quality differences between the two approaches to paying for care, the scorecard’s findings did suggest (based on my analysis) that MA delivers outcomes on key quality measures that are at best equal to traditional Medicare, and sometimes worse.

The overall study looked at 31 measures of access, quality, affordability and population health, derived from the records of both traditional Medicare and Medicare Advantage plans. Two of the main quality indicators highlighted in the report were the statewide number of preventable hospitalizations per 1,000 beneficiaries, and what share of seniors on Medicare were prescribed drugs known to be risky or inappropriate for people in their age group.

For the overall score, the study’s authors ranked each state and the District of Columbia for the 31 measures, and then created a composite score. The results were predictable: Vermont, Utah, Minnesota, Rhode Island, Colorado, New Hampshire, Maine and Hawaii were, in order, the eight top-ranked states; starting from the bottom, Louisiana, Mississippi, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Texas, West Virginia and Alabama brought up the rear.

Those results show that the social determinants of health — statewide wealth and income, food and housing security, low unemployment and the like — drive overall health and therefore health care spending in Medicare. That’s not surprising. How well people fare during their working years will usually determine how well they fare in retirement, which in turn determines how much they will cost Medicare and, ultimately, how long they will live.

“Spending doesn’t always align with outcomes,” said Dr. Joseph Betancourt, president of the Commonwealth Fund. “The states that tend to do well in Medicare performance also tend to do well in our other surveys of broader populations.”

But in looking at the two quality indicators highlighted by the study, a different pattern emerges. I ranked the share of each state’s population in Medicare Advantage plans in 2024 (compiled by the Kaiser Family foundation) and compared that to the state’s performance on two quality indicators: preventable hospitalizations and inappropriate drug prescriptions. In the charts below, the numbers in red and purple (the worse five) are states with below average scores (which are higher numbers); the numbers in black are states that did better (lower numbers) than the national average.

These are important measures for evaluating Medicare Advantage performance since preventing unnecessary hospitalizations is precisely what MA managed care is supposed to achieve and inappropriate prescribing is precisely what MA prior authorization is supposed to prevent. The study also measured what share of MA plans in a state used prior authorization, which is shown in the second column in the chart.

The bottom line: States with above-average enrollment in MA plans tend to have higher-than-average rates of preventable hospitalizations. There is no discernible pattern in the rates of inappropriate prescribing between states with above or below average enrollment in MA plans.

For instance, Michigan ranked in 25th or right in the middle of the pack in the overall rankings. It had the highest Medicare Advantage penetration (61.6 percent). Yet its managed care plans, nearly half of which used prior authorization, did not prevent the state from being ranked fifth worst in preventable hospitalizations and three percentage points above the national average in inappropriate prescribing. Ditto for Alabama, which had the second highest MA market penetration, yet ranked among the five worst when it came to preventing unnecessary hospitalizations and inappropriate prescribing.

On the other end of the spectrum, rural states like Vermont and Wyoming had very low MA market penetration and scant use of prior authorization. Yet they scored above average performance on both quality indicators.

Having read numerous studies over the years that compare Medicare Advantage to traditional Medicare, I think it’s fair to say at this point that all the extra money that’s been poured into Medicare Advantage has not delivered to beneficiaries higher quality care or better outcomes. It is, in fact, a waste of money.

I’ll leave the last word to Gretchen Jacobson, the Commonwealth Fund vice president for expanding coverage and access. When it comes to Medicare, the federal government should “set standards for private plans and participating providers” and “incentivize providers to apply best practices and reduce wasteful care.”

Merrill Goozner, the former editor of Modern Healthcare, writes about health care and politics at GoozNews.substack.com, where this column first appeared. Please consider subscribing to support his work.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News

Beset By Scandal, Trump’s Medicare Czar Should Resign Now

Beset By Scandal, Trump’s Medicare Czar Should Resign Now

From Tom Price’s $1 million in private plane travel to Scott Pruitt’s attempt to get his wife a Chick-fil-A franchise, officials in the Trump administration appear to be having a competition with each other to see who can be the most nakedly corrupt. Seema Verma, administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), is a top contender. Price and Pruitt are two of the many Trump officials who have already resigned in disgrace. It’s past time for Verma to do the same.

Last week, the depths of Verma’s corruption were exposed when an investigative report revealed that she spent millions of taxpayer dollars on hiring Republican communications consultants to “bolster her public profile.” Verma’s agency already has around 24 in-house communications staff, but apparently that wasn’t enough for her. She saw the opportunity to funnel huge sums of money to her political buddies and eagerly took it.

Verma does have good reason to be concerned about her public image. Her tenure running Medicare and Medicaid has been marked by attacks on both programs and their beneficiaries. Since these programs are extremely popular, attacking them is a great way to get a terrible reputation.

Her assault on Medicaid has been relentless. Before joining the Trump administration, Verma was the head of SVC Inc., a consulting firm that worked on making state Medicaid programs as cruel and stingy as possible.

When Mike Pence was governor of Indiana, he paid her firm $3.5 million of taxpayer money to design a Medicaid program that forced beneficiaries to pay premiums or go without needed care—defeating the entire purpose of Medicaid, which is specifically intended for people who can’t afford health care. Simultaneously, Verma’s firm was paid an additional $1.2 million by the Hewlett-Packard Corporation, which had contracts to administer the Medicaid program she designed. Her work in Indiana, foreshadowing her tenure at CMS, was the height of both cruelty and corruption.

Once Trump put Verma in charge of CMS, she wasted no time in finding another way to attack Medicaid beneficiaries. Under her leadership, CMS has approved waivers from six Republican states allowing them to add so-called work requirements to Medicaid. In Arkansas alone, nearly 50,000 Americans could lose their health care due to these bureaucratic hurdles. Experts agree that this is a cruel and terrible policy, for reasons that should be obvious: It’s much more difficult to look for work when you are sick and going without treatment.

Verma’s attacks on Medicare are more subtle but no less dangerous. Under her leadership, CMS has been exhibiting blatant favoritism to Medicare Advantage plans, which are run by for-profit insurance corporations, over traditional Medicare. This is very dangerous for seniors because unlike traditional Medicare, Medicare Advantage plans restrict patients to a limited number of doctors and frequently and improperly deny people the care that they need. These plans lure seniors in with perks like gym memberships. It’s only when people become sick that the hidden downsides become evident.

Verma’s CMS has issued several regulations to push people toward Medicare Advantage, such as allowing these plans to cover services traditional Medicare is forbidden from covering. Further, the agency has been essentially acting as a marketing arm of Medicare Advantage plans, sending emails to Medicare beneficiaries pushing the plans with subject lines like “Get more benefits for your money.” Verma frequently cheerleads for Medicare Advantage in her public remarkstweets, and op-eds.

The reason she loves Medicare Advantage so much could be that corruption loves company as much as misery. The corporate insurers that make up Medicare Advantage also like to just bilk the taxpayers, according to a recent whistleblower lawsuit exposing that the “amounts in question industrywide are mind-boggling: Some analysts estimate improper Medicare Advantage payments at $10 billion a year or more.”

Seema Verma’s attacks on Medicare and Medicaid, along with her close involvement in the Trump administration’s efforts to weaken and destroy the Affordable Care Act, have hurt Verma’s public image. Paying $3.5 million in taxpayer money to her Republican consultant friends has done nothing to help. If Verma wants to do something that’s actually popular with the public, the answer is simple: Resign.

Alex Lawson is the executive director of Social Security Works, a non-profit advocacy group that supports expanding benefits to address America’s growing retirement security crisis. Lawson has appeared on numerous TV and radio outlets and is a frequent guest host of The Thom Hartmann Program, one of the top progressive radio shows in the country.

This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

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