{{ site.specific_data.Twitter }}
RFK Jr MAHA

Kennedy's MAHA Movement Reveals Itself As Corporate Front

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s Make America Healthy Again commission on children’s health reached its ignominious conclusion Tuesday by issuing a final report that failed to mention the biggest threats to childhood ill-health in the U.S.

The final 73-page report, which was accompanied by a 20-page strategy memo, made no mention of:

  • Gun violence, the number one killer of American children under 18;
  • Smoking, a lifelong habit most take up when teenagers; or
  • Global warming, the greatest long-term threat facing the youngest generation.

Mentioning these issues would have required the report call attention to the biggest roadblocks standing in the way of addressing each of these issues. They are, respectively, the Gun Lobby, Big Tobacco and Big Oil & Gas.

Those industries are fervent supporters of the U.S.’s authoritarian headman, Donald Trump. His only consistent political position — one that he requires all his lackeys adhere to — is steadfast support for the nation’s richest and most powerful corporations and individuals, especially those that have given him huge campaign contributions.

Even when it came to addressing the issues that Kennedy claims to care most about, his need to please Trump by giving special interests a pass denuded the final report of any meaningful measures. Those issues include the prevalence of ultra-processed food; chemical food additives; environmental toxins; and excessive use of psychotropic drugs and vaccines. Other than vaccines (last week, his denigration of vaccines led even a few Republican physician-Senators to question his honesty), those are issues that most Americans and unbiased researchers would also like to see addressed.

Yet the final report failed to outline any concrete steps that the Health and Human Services Department, the Agriculture Department or the Environmental Protection Agency plan to take. “A lot of this is nice (but) it’s a report about intentions, not about actions,” New York University professor of nutrition emeritus Marion Nestle told the PBS NewsHour. “How on earth are they going to do these things (when) the word regulation is only mentioned once?”

Many of the deregulatory and budget cutting actions taken by the Trump regime since taking office work directly against the goals outlined in the report. For instance, the Environmental Protection Agency’s research department has been gutted, all but eliminating the agency’s ability to scientifically determine which environmental toxins are causing significant harm to children’s health.

The budget for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (colloquially food stamps) has been cut sharply, which will reduce food assistance to almost three million children. Rather than taking steps at the federal level to limit the ability of low-income beneficiaries to purchase sugar-laden beverages or salt-heavy snack foods (instead, they plan to offer technical assistance to states that want to do that), the Trump regime is making more children go hungry. Common sense suggests allowing three million kids to go hungry will destroy the health of far more children than allowing parents of kids on food stamps to continue buying soda pop.

The strategy report called on the Department of Education to “help states” reinstitute the presidential fitness test. The DoE is currently being dismantled by the Trump regime.

Also, it claimed HHS’ Administration for Children and Families will “promote greater physical activity” in after-school and summer programs. Meanwhile, Trump’s budget cutters slashed $7 billion to support those programs in June, only to restore a mere $1 billion a month later after widespread protests from educators in both red and blue states.

Perhaps the most curious oversight in yesterday’s strategy report was its turnaround on the chemicals, dyes and other additives in ultra-processed foods (UPFs), a major bête noire for Kennedy and a long-time concern of mainstream nutritionists. The main report’s 7-page section on UPFs contained 75 footnotes. Yet the strategy memo contained just a single action item of little significance: “USDA, HHS, and FDA will continue efforts to develop a U.S. government-wide definition for ‘Ultra-processed Food’ to support potential future research and policy activity.”

“What this says to me is that the first report was written by MAHA,” Jerold Mande, an adjunct professor of nutrition at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health and a former senior policy official for nutrition in the Bush, Clinton, and Obama administrations, told Time magazine. “The second one, the White House let industry lobbyists write it.”

Merrill Goozner, the former editor of Modern Healthcare, writes about health care and politics at GoozNews.substack.com, where this column first appeared. Please consider subscribing to support his work.

Reprinted with permission from Gooznews

Labor Day weekend shootings across Chicago

Where Does Chicago's Murder Rate Actually Rank?

The New York Times released a story on Wednesday afternoon about crime rates in various cities. Its headline? “Crime Festers in Republican States While Their Troops Patrol Washington.” It pointed out that cities like Kansas City, St. Louis, and Springfield, Missouri; Birmingham, Alabama; Cleveland, Dayton and Toledo, Ohio; Tulsa, Oklahoma; Memphis and Nashville, Tennessee; Houston, Texas; Little Rock, Arkansas; Salt Lake City, Utah; and Shreveport, Louisiana have crime rates comparable to Washington’s, where federal troops have been patrolling for the past few weeks.

Why isn’t the Times taking a close look at Chicago, which faces a federal invasion? The truth is that my home city is on pace to have its lowest murder and violent crime rate in four decades. Where does it rank in terms of cities when it comes to murders? It turns out Chicago doesn’t even make the top 20. How about cities in Republican run-states? Eleven out of the top 15 have Republican governors.

This list comes from Newsweek magazine (data reflects murders per 100,000 population; cities in bold have Republican governors):

  • Birmingham, Alabama (58.8)
  • St. Louis, Missouri (54.1)
  • Memphis, Tennessee (40.6)
  • Baltimore, Maryland (34.8)
  • Detroit, Michigan (31.2)
  • Cleveland, Ohio (30)
  • Dayton, Ohio (29.7)
  • Kansas City, Missouri (27.6)
  • Shreveport, Louisiana (26.8)
  • Washington, D.C. (25.5)
  • Richmond, Virginia (24.2)
  • South Fulton, Georgia (22.2)
  • Cincinnati, Ohio (21.8)
  • Louisville, Kentucky (21.7)
  • Indianapolis, Indiana (20)
  • Oakland, California (18.6)
  • Albuquerque, New Mexico (18.4)
  • Montgomery, Alabama (18.1)
  • Minneapolis, Minnesota (18)
  • Lancaster, California (17.7)
  • Little Rock, Arkansas (17.6)
  • Hartford, Connecticut (17.6)
  • Chicago, Illinois (17.5)

Of course, facts do not matter to the Trump regime. When the president posted on Truth Social that Chicago is the “murder capital of the world,” it wasn’t even close to the truth.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

Who Will Take Care Of Grandma When Trump Expels Immigrant Workers?

Who Will Take Care Of Grandma When Trump Expels Immigrant Workers?

As we prepared to honor working people on this Labor Day, I could not think of a more relevant topic to discuss on this week’s podcast that the impact that President Trump's war against immigrants is having on the nation’s health care workforce.

Healthcare is heavily dependent on immigrant workers. Nearly 30 percent of our physicians hail from abroad. Around 17 percent of nurses are foreign born. More than one quarter of direct care workers — those who labor as nursing and other aides in hospitals, nursing homes, assisted living facilities and home care — are immigrants.

There are undocumented immigrant workers in each of these categories, especially direct care. Leading Age, the trade association for the long-term care industry, says immigrants make up 30 percent of home care aides, 20 percent of nursing assistants, 20 percent of registered nurses, and 15 percent of licensed practical nurses in our nursing homes.

No one knows exactly how many of these workers are in the U.S. without legal documentation. But there are nine million undocumented workers in the United States. A substantial share are engaged in providing health care. Many of them have been here for years, just like the nine Filipino nurses who were deported from my home city of Chicago in the early days of Trump's second term as president.

There are currently about 65 million senior citizens in the U.S. That number is expected to grow to 72 million by 2030. Who will care for those needing special care if Trump and his henchman Stephen Miller succeed in their mass deportation plans?

To discuss this issue, I invited onto this special Labor Day GoozNews podcast a leading researcher in the field — Dr. Patricia Santos of Emory University. Dr. Santos' research focuses on understanding the structural barriers to care in under-served populations and communities. She recently co-authored a commentary in the New England Journal of Medicine on the dangers posed by the immigration crackdown.

She offers an important perspective on what the Trump regime’s inhumane policies on immigration might mean for patients, the institutions that care for them, and the immigrants themselves in the weeks and months ahead.

Merrill Goozner, the former editor of Modern Healthcare, writes about health care and politics at GoozNews.substack.com, where this column first appeared. Please consider subscribing to support his work.

Reprinted with permission from Gooznews

How RFK Jr's New Anti-Vax Guidelines Will Kill Innocent Americans

How RFK Jr's New Anti-Vax Guidelines Will Kill Innocent Americans

A few months ago, the film and culture critic Neal Gabler wrote on his Substack about the many state-sanctioned killings authorized by the Trump regime:

“Donald Trump kills. He kills government, he kills the rule of law, he kills checks and balances, he kills the Constitution, he kills science, common sense, common decency, morality, compassion, community, order, responsibility, accountability, seriousness, decorum, politesse, and just about every other value and institution and tradition on which he can get his dirty grifter’s hands.”

Gabler forgot to add that he also kills the health of the American people. Yesterday, the Food and Drug Administration, an agency once considered the gold standard among global health regulators, approved mRNA Covid vaccines for this fall with a label recommending they be limited to seniors and adults and children over five with at least one chronic medical condition. All healthy adults and children — at least half the population — are not on that list.

There were no scientific justifications for these limitations — none in the FDA pronouncement and none in the scientific literature.

Next up will be the recommendation from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s new and degraded vaccine advisory panel. It could refuse to offer any endorsement for this year’s vaccine. The eight-member panel, installed by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. after firing its 17 predecessors, includes numerous vaccine skeptics. (Shortly after this article was posted, Kennedy dismissed CDC chief Susan Monarez after she “ran afoul” of Kennedy “by objecting to his changes to the panel of experts who advise the agency on vaccine policy,” according to the New York Times.)

Should the CDC refuse to endorse vaccination, it will trigger state laws that prevent pharmacies from administering vaccines not recommended by the CDC. Pharmacies are the site for 90 percent of Covid vaccinations, including almost all delivered to seniors and other vulnerable populations, according to another story today in the New York Times. States that have such laws include California, Florida and Massachusetts.

Spreading disease

No matter what the CDC does, Covid vaccine rates, already low, are certain to fall farther after today’s announcement. Vaccine rates have fallen to under 25 percent among all adults and less than 13 percent for children under 18, according to the CDC.

That is certain to increase the incidence of the disease, even if those already infected have very mild cases or fail to show symptoms. The usually mild Covid cases that healthy adults and children under 65 experience was the FDA’s rationale for refusing to endorse their need for vaccination.

However, sick people of any age spread the virus through tiny aerosolized particles that can linger in the air and infect people nearby for hours, especially in crowded or poorly ventilated indoor spaces. Sick people infect vulnerable people. That’s why vaccination rates need to be high.

This is especially true for American schools, especially when located in older buildings. Most are poorly ventilated. During the pandemic, infected children were a major vector for spreading the disease to adults in their households. With adult and senior vaccination rates falling, we’re likely to death rates from Covid rising again this fall, especially among vulnerable populations.

We’re also likely to see rising caseloads of Long Covid, which strikes many people who only experienced a mild case of the disease. See this recent GoozNews post on the rising incidence of Long Covid and its impact on health and the economy.

This decision is one more affirmation that the Trump regime, to use Gabler’s formulation, “kills science, common sense, common decency, morality, compassion (and) community.” Encouraging healthy adults and children to go unvaccinated poses a direct threat to the health and well-being of their older, sicker family members, friends and the general public as they go about their daily business.

It is the perfect expression of the Trump regime’s reigning philosophy. The only thing that matters for the MAGA-ites and the president is how it affects me. It is an indecent, immoral and uncompassionate philosophy. It is a threat to the community. It is the hallmark of our times under authoritarian rule.

Merrill Goozner, the former editor of Modern Healthcare, writes about health care and politics at GoozNews.substack.com, where this column first appeared. Please consider subscribing to support his work.

Reprinted with permission from GoozNews


Why Trump's Scheme To Cut And Privatize Veterans' Health Care Will Fail

Why Trump's Scheme To Cut And Privatize Veterans' Health Care Will Fail

You would think protecting veterans’ access to health care would be sacrosanct in the current political environment.

So how can we explain the Trump regime wielding a budget axe at the Veterans Health Administration? The agency – the largest health care system in America – is in the process of eliminating 30,000 jobs for physicians, nurses and other personnel. That’s nearly one of every 12 employees at the VHA, which is responsible for delivering health care to over nine million veterans.

In recent weeks, Veterans Affairs Secretary Doug Collins, a former Georgia Congressman and military chaplain, cancelled every union contract with the VHA’s physicians, nurses and other employees. This came after the Baptist minister-turned-politician sent letters to VHA workers encouraging them to either retire or look elsewhere for work. Morale at the agency is plummeting.

These were only the first steps in the Trump regime’s plan to dramatically downsize the VHA during his second term in office. The 2026 budget he sent to Capitol Hill called for spending more than a third of the VHA’s $115 billion budget on outside physicians and other private providers. That’s a nearly 50 percent increase over previous outsourcing, a move that some progressive Democrats in Congress are calling the stealth privatization of the VHA.

“They want every employee to be pushed out so they can decimate the VA’s workforce,” Rep. Delia Ramirez (D-IL) said during a July House Veterans Affairs committee meeting. It “wants them to leave” as part of its plan to privatize services.


The Trump regime’s escalation of VHA privatization extends a decade-long trend. It began in 2014 after a Phoenix VHA administrator was accused of under-reporting appointment wait-times in the reports sent to Washington. (No other health care system reports wait-times. If they did, the VHA would probably look good by comparison.)

Ensuing demands that veterans be allowed to access private-sector providers led to passage of the 2014 Choice Act, signed into law by President Barack Obama. The law launched pilot projects in rural and under-served areas that, while allowing for outsourcing, limited it to situations where the local VHA facility was more than a 30-minute drive from the veteran’s home, or, the facility could not schedule an appointment within 20 days for primary or mental health care or within 28 days for specialty care.

The program became system-wide with passage of the 2018 Mission Act, which also had bipartisan support. Though touted as a major benefit for the 25 percent of veterans who live in rural areas, the bill broadened the criteria to include instances where veterans and their VHA physicians thought it was in “their best medical interest.” But they needed a second opinion to that effect. Earlier this year, VA Secretary Collins removed the second opinion requirement.

No choices

But is “choice” helping rural veterans? Earlier this month, The American Prospect reported on a comprehensive survey by the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute that questioned private providers’ ability to serve the needs of the 2.8 million rural veterans enrolled in the VHA. The “analysis reveals a system that cannot provide even basic medical and mental health services to non-veteran patients,” Suzanne Gordon, co-founder of VHPI wrote. “Hundreds of hospitals in America’s rural counties and under-served areas have curtailed critical services or closed entirely. And thousands of counties across America are experiencing significant health provider shortages.”

Things are likely to get a lot worse over the next several years as millions of rural residents on Medicaid or Affordable Care Act insurance plans lose coverage due to the cutbacks recently signed into law. “President Trump, VA Secretary Collins, and Republicans in Congress want to send more veteran patients into an already troubled private-sector system, while depleting that system of the resources necessary to absorb this extra load,” Gordon wrote. “The idea that this will work well is shaped more by ideology than reality.”

If helping rural veterans is the goal, a far more fruitful approach would be shifting VHA resources into the areas where most veterans now live. The system rapidly expanded during the quarter century after World War II to serve the needs of veterans who, for the most part, hailed from urban areas. The system’s 170 hospitals are located mostly in large and medium-sized metropolitan areas.

The VHA also staffs almost 1,200 outpatient facilities. Unfortunately, most rural areas remain poorly served by these clinics. Many rural counties have none. This should come as no surprise. Residents of these areas often have to drive an hour or more to access pharmacies, grocery stores and other retail outlets. Accessing medical services, whether public or private, often involves even longer drives.

Moreover, rural hospitals, which would be a logical place for providing additional services for veterans, are also dying. There simply aren’t enough patients in sparsely populated areas to support comprehensive medical services. The idea that the private sector can meet the special needs of veterans, who suffer disproportionately from chronic diseases, whether related to their service (Agent Orange and burn pit exposure; PTSD and other mental conditions) or not, is absurd.

Here’s an idea. Why not use the VHA budget to establish clinical capacity in these regions? Indeed, they could open their doors to the entire local population, turning the VHA in rural America into the equivalent of a federally qualified health center. This could provide the agency with an additional source of revenue to the extent other payers (Medicare, Medicaid, private insurance) offered coverage to people living in these sparsely populated areas.

Best care

But, you’re probably asking, wouldn’t this take money away from the urban medical centers that are the backbone of the VHA system? These large complexes are currently underutilized, spatially mismatched to where current and future generations of veterans live, and often in need of renovation – a set of circumstance documented by numerous commissions and reports. (See here and here, for instance.)

To help solve these problems, one idea I found intriguing while doing research for this article (it comes from the right-leaning Manhattan Institute) would be to allow the VHA’s urban hospital systems to provide services to people covered by public programs like Medicare and Medicaid and the privately insured.

The VHA model for delivering care is everything a wannabe reformer like myself dreams about (as Phil Longman documented in his 2012 book, Best Care Anywhere: Why VA Healthcare Would Work Better for Everyone.). Its physicians are salaried; they are mission-driven (they work for less than their private sector counterparts); they are trained to follow clinical practice guidelines; and, as a general rule, they deliver high quality care (studies have repeatedly documented how VHA outcomes equal or surpass those of comparable facilities). The VHA also provides comprehensive coordinated care for people who require it (including addressing housing and food insecurity and other social issues) and pays the lowest price for drugs.

Unfortunately, its facilities are disproportionately located in regions that no longer house many veterans. Manhattan Institute senior fellow Chris Pope summed up the problem in his recent proposal, “Making Use of VA Hospital Overcapacity: Expand Access to Reduce Costs”:

“The VA operates essentially the same hospitals in the same locations as it did in the 1970s, despite a great shift of the veteran population to the Sunbelt. In 1970, far fewer civilian veterans lived in Arizona (0.2 million) than in New York (2.4 million). By 2020, the number in Arizona had surged (to 0.5 million), while that in New York had plummeted (to 0.6 million). While the VA still operates twice as many hospitals in New York as in Arizona, facilities in the Grand Canyon State have been strained. The VA has substantial excess capacity across the country as a whole; but in a few areas, clinicians have been overworked while patients face long waiting times.

His proposal?

“VA hospitals should be permitted to treat and bill Americans covered by other insurance plans (privately financed, Medicare Advantage, or Medicaid managed care), regardless of their eligibility for VA-financed care. Congress has repeatedly demonstrated that it is unwilling to cut funding for existing VA hospitals, as this may threaten their continued operations. Policymakers should therefore attempt to make better use of these facilities, so that their fixed costs can be spread over more patients.”

Since many veterans who receive free care at VHA facilities are also enrolled in taxpayer-financed private plans like Medicare Advantage and Medicaid managed care, it would also save the government money. “This proposal would provide increased revenues to allow the continued maintenance of VA institutions, without increasing federal expenditures per patient as the veteran population continues to decline,” he wrote. “It would also end the double payment for veterans receiving care through the VA who are also enrolled in Medicare Advantage or Medicaid managed care.”

This seems like an idea well worth exploring — one that has the potential to generate bipartisan support on Capitol Hill.

Further reading:

“Veterans’ Health Care Choice – Myth or Reality? by the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute. August 2025.

“The Illusion of Choice” by Suzanne Gordon, The American Prospect, August 2025.

“Making Use of VA Hospital Overcapacity: Expand Access to Reduce Costs” by Chris Pope, senior fellow, Manhattan Institute. June 2025.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

'Lingering Effects': The Long-Term Cost Of Long COVID

'Lingering Effects': The Long-Term Cost Of Long COVID

Well over 100 million U.S. adults have contracted Covid since the beginning of the pandemic with an estimated 13% of patients suffering from its long-term effects. The most common symptoms among this very large group are chronic fatigue, breathing difficulties and “brain fog” — the loss concentration and memory.

Little attention has been paid to the impact this suffering is having on health care spending, which is once again growing at a faster clip than the rest of the economy. An early study conducted by David Cutler at Harvard conservatively estimated Long Covid treatment had cost $528 billion through the end of 2022. More than two years later, that spending would be far higher.

Even less attention has been paid to its impact on the broader economy. That same study estimated Long Covid reduced earnings by nearly a trillion dollars among its sufferers, which would make the disease a significant contributor to the relatively slow economic growth we’ve seen over the past two years.

A new study released today in JAMA seeks to quantify the financial impact on working-age adults from Long Covid. It found people reporting long-term effects from the disease experienced greater unemployment, reduced work hours and were more likely to experience activity impairment at work compared to those whose disease resolved quickly without long-term effects.

“The substantial employment and economic burdens … underscore the need for targeted policy interventions and greater workplace support structures to ensure that the sizable U.S. workforce that may have Long COVID is able to contribute to economic activity and to avoid personal economic hardship,” the study authors concluded.

The study, conducted at eight academic medical centers, followed 3,663 people who contracted COVID during the first two years of the pandemic for at least six months after they recovered. More than a quarter (27.1 percent) of the participants reported having symptoms of Long Covid with nearly half of them reporting a waxing and waning of their symptoms.

The lingering effects of the disease proved devastating to their work lives. Those with either resolved or current Long Covid were nearly three times more likely to be unemployed compared to those who suffered no after-effects from the disease. More than 40 percent of Long Covid sufferers (current or resolved) had reduced work hours compared to just 14% of those without it.

And as far as productivity was concerned, those with Long COVID were 44 percent more likely than those without it to ask for shorter hours or less demanding work. As a consequence, the Long COVID group was five times more likely to face economic stress in their daily lives compared to those without it.

The bottom line: The media, following the lead of the federal government, has largely moved on from reporting on the ongoing effects of the pandemic. That ignores ongoing physical and economic impact it is having on well over 13 million Americans.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

How Trump Promoted A Multi-Billion Dollar Medicare Fraud

How Trump Promoted A Multi-Billion Dollar Medicare Fraud

One of the largest Medicare fraud schemes in program history began to unravel several years ago when accountable care organizations created under the Affordable Care Act began noticing most of their savings, which they share with taxpayers, were vanishing due to the exorbitant cost of a single product — wound care bandages made mostly from dried placenta cells.

By April 2024, the National Association of Accountable Care Organizations (NAACOS) had enough data to notify the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) about the outlandish sums being paid to physicians using “skin substitute” bandages for wound care instead of traditional bandages. The physicians, who purchased the skin substitutes at a steep discount from manufacturers, were billing ACOs at the list price and pocketing the difference.

Some patients were racking up millions of dollars for the skin substitutes used to cover their diabetic sores and other hard-to-heal wounds. According to a letter NAACOS sent to a Medicare payment contractor in June 2024, “the skin substitutes have been provided to patients who are poor candidates for specialty wound care, including hospice patients receiving significant wound care in the last three days of life, patients with inability to off-load pressure or transport without force, and patients who are unable to maintain adequate nutrition.”

This lucrative scheme for physicians was providing even larger profits for their manufacturers, almost all of which are privately-owned. Using loopholes in the law, they began charging an average of more than $6,000 per square inch for skin substitute bandages. Some products reaching over $21,000, according to a New York Times investigation in April.

Five years ago, the highest priced skin substitute bandages on the market was only $1,045 per square inch. Medicare spending on skin substitute bandages soared from about $250 million in 2019 to more than $10 billion in 2024, according to CMS.

The Biden rule

After NAACOS alerted CMS to the alleged fraud, the Biden administration began crafting a new rule that would sharply lower the maximum price paid the firms selling the expensive bandages. It also limited payments to physicians who used skin substitute bandages purchased from firms that had generated medical evidence showing they improved wound care better than much cheaper standard bandages. Many firms in the field produce no such studies since the bandages do not require FDA approval beyond meeting sterility standards. The rule was slated to go into effect this past February.

That when the Trump regime sprang into action. The rule was delayed until April 13 as part of its blanket regulatory freeze. Then, in March, Trump issued a post on his Truth Social site claiming: “‘Crooked Joe’ rammed through a policy that would create more suffering and death for diabetic patients on Medicare” — an echo of the industry’s false claims.

How did Trump know anything about an issue that at that point still had not appeared on the mainstream media’s radar screen? Last fall, when the Biden rule was in the works, San Antonio-based Extremity Care, one of the largest firms in the skin substitute field, donated $2 million to MAGA Inc., the super PAC supporting Trump’s election campaign. In February, according to post this week by journalist Judd Legum on the substack Popular Information, Extremity Care donated another $5 million to MAGA Inc.

In April, the day after publication of the Times exposé, Dr. Mehmet Oz's CMS postponed enactment of the new rule until 2026. This allowed companies to continue selling at high prices for at least another eight months.

Then, three weeks ago, the Trump regime reversed field and included a price limit for skin substitutes in the physician payment rule for 2026. The proposal sets a maximum price of $806 per square inch. “We’re making it easier for seniors to access preventive services, incentivizing health care providers to deliver real results and cracking down on abuse that drives up costs,” Oz said in a statement.

What Texans do when they’re not gerrymandering

However, nothing the Trump regime says should be taken at face value. As Legum reported, the new rule does not limit limit coverage to products that are scientifically proven to be effective. Moreover, the $806 price is higher than what many reputable firms in the industry charge.

The two biggest abusers of the loopholes in the law are based in Texas: Extreme Care and Ft. Worth-based Legacy Medical Products. Both are privately held and neither has tested their products against traditional bandages to determine if they generate superior outcomes.

And they’re not done fighting. They’ve formed the Mass Coalition to fight the new rule. They’ve also paid $320,000 a year to Brian Ballard, a Trump fundraiser who is widely regarded as the lobbyist with the most influence with the Trump administration, according to Legum. Susie Wiles, who is Trump's chief of staff, worked for Ballard. Many of the early commenters on the proposed rule are using identical cut-and-paste letters to protest the proposal, the kind of ginned up outrage that inside-the-Beltway lobbyists are expert at generating.

ACO-employed clinicians are worried that even this limited rule will be deep-sixed by the transactional Trump regime. In its July story announcing the rule’s reintroduction, the Times quoted Alex Binder, the vice president of the Parker Advanced Care Institute, a nonprofit medical practice belong to an ACO that treats older patients with chronic or terminal illnesses in New Jersey.

“There has been pushback in the past,” Binder said. “Will there be pushback again?”

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

Kennedy Distorting FDA Advisory System With Crackpots And Bias

The Food and Drug Administration last week convened an expert panel to warn women about the dangers of using anti-depressants during pregnancy. It wasn’t billed that way. It was billed as a listening session for FDA officials to hear “world renowned experts” on the issue.

This wasn’t an advisory committee. It was a presentation committee, where each of the panelists made five- to seven-minute presentations with no one from the public allowed to speak or ask questions.

The 10-person roster, seven of whom were men, was larded with critics who have spent their careers attacking the science behind anti-depressants and questioning their use, both in pregnancy and in general psychiatry. They included David Healy, the British physician who has written books attacking the use of seritonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) in particular (the subject of the hearing), and has served as a paid consultant for trial lawyers suing the companies that make Prozac, Zoloft and Paxil.


The hearing’s presiding officer was Tracy Beth Høeg, who was a sports medicine physician and professor of management (not medicine) at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology prior to joining the FDA in March as senior advisor to Commissioner Marty Makary. The Danish-American dual citizen rose to prominence in conservative circles during Covid as a vaccine and lockdown skeptic.

At the outset of the hearing, Høeg asked each of the ten panelists making presentations to declare their conflicts of interest. None did. One said he had no conflicts. The rest ignored the request and never addressed the issue, even though three of the panelists (including Healy) had jointly issued a paper in 2019 disclosing they worked as consultants in anti-SSRI litigation. That paper suggested SSRI use during pregnancy leads to genetic “malformations,” a claim refuted by other studies.

Lizzy Lawrence of Stat News reported: “9 out of 10 panelists have either been paid witnesses in litigation involving antidepressants, run media platforms rooted in SSRI skepticism, or have published research pointing to the drugs’ potential risks in developing babies. Many share the views of health secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has called SSRIs harder to quit than heroin and has falsely linked them to mass shootings.”

The use of SSRIs during pregnancy or at any time remains controversial. The clinical trials that led to their FDA approval showed they barely beat placebo when treating mild to moderate depression, their most frequent use. Still, many people who take the pills swear by them.

Only an estimated 5% of pregnant women take the drugs, with many stopping treatment as soon as they become pregnant in order to avoid their well-publicized but rare risks, which include pre-eclampsia (organ damage due to elevated blood pressure), pre-term birth and postpartum hemorrhage. On the other hand, untreated depressed pregnant women face heightened but still rare risk of suicide, substance abuse, pre-term birth, pre-eclampsia, and low birth weight.

The Society of Maternal-Fetal Medicine, which represents more than 6,000 OB-GYNs (and takes money from the pharmaceutical industry for its medical education programs), issued the following statement after the hearing:

“As with all medications during pregnancy, the potential risks of antidepressants should be weighed against the benefits to maternal and fetal health. The available data consistently show that SSRI use during pregnancy is not associated with congenital anomalies, fetal growth problems, or long-term developmental problems. Evidence also shows that depression during pregnancy is the strongest predictor of postpartum depression, and discontinuing antidepressants is associated with a relapse of major depression.”

That’s exactly what happened to Jessica Grose, an opinion writer for the New York Times. In a moving essay in her weekly newsletter, she described her own relapse into major depression after stopping her medications when pregnant with her first child. She eventually restarted her meds, stabilized her condition, and bore the first of two healthy, full-term children. Here’s what she was hoping to learn from the hearing:

“I was hoping for an in-depth, nuanced discussion of the benefits versus the risks of these well-studied drugs. I wanted someone to talk about how mental health care is inaccessible for so many pregnant women, and why those who would benefit from talk therapy alone may not be able to get it. I wanted to hear them discuss how ashamed many pregnant women feel if they are struggling with their mental health, because there is so much pressure to be joyful and glowing. But that’s not what happened. Most of the panelists were clearly biased against antidepressant use.”

That’s a completely accurate assessment of the two hours of presentations, which I watched yesterday for the first time. The meeting was completely at odds with normal FDA procedures for running advisory committees.

This is not the first “listening session” the FDA has held since Makary took over (I reported on the one on hormone replacement therapy here). Nor will it be the last. The FDA has only held seven regular advisory committee meetings since Trump took office and Makary assumed the reins at FDA. That compares with 20 between February and July, 2024.

Rather than giving FDA regulators informed and contrasting presentations about controversial drugs, medical devices or vaccines awaiting decisions, the agency’s head is increasingly forcing professional staff to fly blind.

How sad. Makary and his boss, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., came into office declaring they’d adhere to full transparency in their dealings with the public. They also promised to eliminate conflicts of interest from the committees advising the Health and Human Service Department’s various sub-agencies. What we’re getting instead is a complete lack of transparency and committee members that may not have ties to industry but are ideologically biased with financial ties to other parties with a stake in the agency’s decisions.

This will have two pernicious effects should it continue. First, it will limit the information flow to FDA staff, which will make their drug, device and vaccine approval decisions, especially when it’s a close call, increasingly prone to error. Second, it will isolate the professional staff from the external academic, NGO and patient advocacy world, which will make them more vulnerable to political pressure by political appointees with their own agendas.

Merrill Goozner is a former editor of Modern Healthcare, where he wrote a weekly column. He is also a former reporter for The Chicago Tribune and professor of business journalism at New York University.

Reprinted with permission from Gooznews Substack. Please visit and consider subscribing.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

Big Pharma

How Trump Is Hustling Consumers To Protect Pharma's Excess Profits

Pegging drug prices to rates paid abroad, a great idea as proposed during the first Trump administration, is getting a second life — this time as a tool for preserving Big Pharma’s earnings power.

The president on Thursday sent letters to the CEOs of every major drug company demanding they sell their products in the U.S. at what he called “most favored nation” (MFN) prices. The original rule, proposed in late 2020, set those prices at the average prices paid by more than a dozen advanced industrial economies. The letter only calls for equalization of prices without specifying what those prices should be.

Trump gave the companies 60 days to comply. The move came about 85 days after he signed an executive order demanding drug companies lower their prices or face the consequences.

International indexing, or reference pricing as it is sometimes called, would be meaningful if it left foreign prices alone. But reading between the lines of Trump’s latest dictat, the real goal is to get the reference group — mostly Europeans — to raise their prices.

This would effectively:

  1. Raise the collective MFN price for U.S. consumers above what it would be had foreign prices stayed low; and
  2. Undermine policies used by foreign countries to set prices based on drugs’ realistic medical value.

From the drug industry’s perspective, this is the best of all possible worlds: They get to maintain more of their current sales and profitability levels while being freed from the shackles of other countries using medical value to negotiate reasonable prices.

Industry executives were quick to notice the change. During an earnings call on Friday morning, Regeneron CEO Leonard Schliefer, one of the letter’s recipients, agreed with the president that foreigners need to pay more for drugs before U.S. consumers can pay less. “Europeans are not paying their fair share of innovation, and some way that needs to change,” he said.

However, he expressed concern about the letter’s demand that industry engage in a “collaborative effort towards achieving global pricing parity” as “the most effective path for companies.” In other words, Trump wants drug companies to demand or impose higher prices.

It has “to be done at a trade and policy level, because it can’t be done at an individual company level,” Schliefer countered. “The solution is simply not to lower cost prices in the U.S. without some equilibrating in Europe, because then there’ll be no innovation.”

Trump echoed the industry’s rhetoric. He claimed in his letter that foreigners are “getting a free ride on American innovation.” The reality is that foreigners are paying what are closer to appropriate prices, while the U.S. pays too much.

The drug industry remains highly profitable under the current pricing structure. They are not losing money in Europe, Canada or Japan. The higher prices paid in the U.S. mostly go to support the industry’s massive direct-to-physician marketing budgets, direct-to-consumer advertising and the high-priced lawyers who engage in patent manipulation to prevent generic competition. These behaviors are enabled by U.S. policy, and are either banned or discouraged abroad.

Drug companies could choose to reduce those marketing budgets should U.S. prices fall to the international pricing levels now in existence. Unfortunately, past experience shows individual companies in the industry cuts R&D just as much as they cut other budgets when revenue falls.

At the end of his letter, Trump threatened to implement international reference pricing if the drug companies failed to win higher prices in those countries. Given the small chance that the companies will succeed in those negotiations, much less move unilaterally to raise prices (which will result in many countries simply saying no thanks), what we’ll see after 60 days will be either a watered down proposed rule or another threatening letter.

The most likely outcome over the long-term? Here’s my guess: Another pilot project that won’t put a dent in industry revenue. Why? There is bipartisan support in Congress for not jeopardizing “innovation,” even though the Congressional Budget Office estimated the drug price negotiations enacted by the Biden administration will have almost no impact on the number of new drugs coming to market.

Merrill Goozner is a former editor of Modern Healthcare, where he wrote a weekly column. He is also a former reporter for The Chicago Tribune and professor of business journalism at New York University.

Reprinted with permission from Gooznews Substack. Please visit and consider subscribing.


In Kennedy's FDA, Hype Trumps Science (And Prasad Gets Dumped)

In Kennedy's FDA, Hype Trumps Science (And Prasad Gets Dumped)

That didn’t take long. The moment Dr. Vinay Prasad crossed the drug industry and the rightwing fever swamp, he was ousted. His tenure at the Food and Drug Administration lasted less than three months.

His crime? Late last week, the recently appointed chief science officer at FDA had the temerity to tell Sarepta Therapeutics to stop shipping patients its gene therapy for a rare muscle-wasting disease called Duchenne muscular dystrophy, a genetic disorder that manifests in toddler boys and kills most by the time they are young adults. Several reports of sudden deaths among young patients taking the therapy triggered the recall.

It was the right move. An early version of the drug that treated some Duchenne patients had failed in its final efficacy trials submitted to the FDA in 2016. But Dr. Janet Woodcock, then head of the Center for Drug Evaluation and Research, overruled the scientific staff’s negative recommendation to approve the gene-based therapy.

Last year, Drl Peter Marks, head of the Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research, approved a later iteration of the gene therapy called Elevidys that was designed to help all Duchenne patients. He ignored internal staff recommendations against approval by citing improvements in secondary endpoints, anecdotal evidence, and patient desperation. The company never completed clinical trials showing better evidence of efficacy for its primary endpoint.

Marks was forced out earlier this year after Robert F. Kennedy Jr. took over at the Health and Human Services Department. That gave Prasad his chance to assume the reins at CBER.

While early in his career Prasad exposed conflicts of interest in medicine, attacked the paucity of evidence behind new cancer drugs, and blasted the FDA’s decisions approving Sarepta’s gene therapies; the Covid pandemic pushed his contrarian attitudes in a rightward direction. He used his platform on the Sensible Medicine Substack to rail against lockdowns and a broadly administered Covid vaccine, which helped him win a position at FDA under new commissioner Dr. Marty Makary.

The new leadership at FDA must have thought ordering the withdrawal of Elevidys was a no brainer. No proven benefits. Obvious harms. Given they had been raising safety questions about vaccines (without much evidence) to please their new boss at HHS, they were probably caught off guard by the firestorm their decision generated.

“Right to try”

For decades, the most conservative wing of the Republican Party has been pushing what is known as “right to try” legislation. Patients and their doctors, the argument goes, should be allowed to take experimental drugs despite the absence of evidence they work or concerns they cause harm. This movement works hand-in-glove with industry efforts to relax safety and efficacy standards. Rupert Murdoch’s Wall Street Journal editorial page is a vociferous backer of “right to try.”

A limited version of “right to try” legislation passed during Trump’s first term. But the Makary/Prasad move on Sarepta’s gene therapies gave proponents of “right to try” the opening they needed to get rid of Prasad and send Makary a clear message about where his priorities need to be if he wants to stay atop the agency.

It began 10 days ago with a long screed by Trump whisperer Laura Loomer attacking Prasad. His “political alignment is unequivocally progressive, rooted in admiration for far-left figures like Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders. His public statements and voting history reveal a deep-seated opposition to Trump and his policies, making his appointment to a key FDA role baffling,” she wrote.

Then Bob Goldberg, who resuscitates a conservative non-profit called the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest whenever the drug or food industries want to see progressive policies reversed (we frequently crossed swords when I worked for the liberal Center for Science in the Public Interest), weighed in. He attacked Prasad in an op-ed in RealClearHealth: “The 2018 law wasn’t just policy; it was a declaration that in America, a desperate parent has more standing than a bureaucratic panel. That a patient facing death deserves a shot at hope—even if the clinical endpoint isn’t yet statistically significant.”


The Wall Street Journal added its voice to the chorus on Sunday with a long editorial blasting the decision to halt distribution of Sarepta’s gene therapy. It’s worth quoting because of what it portends for future regulatory policy when it comes to new drug approvals:

“This is a regulatory mugging… Vinay Prasad, director of the FDA’s Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research, has lambasted his predecessor Peter Marks for twice overruling agency staff to approve the Duchenne therapy. Dr. Marks made good decisions to prioritize speed and patient choice over certainty on the data.” (Emphasis added.)

Its editorial page was gleeful late yesterday afternoon after the agency reversed the decision halting shipments. “Now the onus is on the agency to show it won’t repeat this debacle and will encourage the innovation that leads to faster cures.”

I assume that includes the unproven innovations that lead to more dead bodies among people receiving therapies that have not yet been shown to work. A few hours later, Prasad was fired.

The takeaway

I shed no tears for Prasad’s short career in public service. Let his experience be a lesson to anyone who thinks agreeing on one issue with the folks running the Trump regime gives you operating room to make decisions that you think are in the best interests of patients and in line with the science, particularly if those decisions are at odds with the financial interests of the biotech and pharmaceutical industries.

Sarepta’s sales of Elevidys and related Duchenne therapies soared to $1.9 billion last year despite fewer than 1,000 patients being served, a reflection of its outrageously high price tag (over $3 million per treatment). Every bit of the R&D that went into the initial development of this particular gene therapy was done with non-profit and government funding.

The patents on the technology were licensed from Nationwide Children’s Hospital in Columbus, OH, which conducted its research with funding from the Muscular Dystrophy Association and the National Institutes of Health. Sarepta’s chief science officer, Louise Rodino-Klapac, did much of her early work on gene therapy for Duchenne’s at Nationwide with NIH grants.

The stock market is clearly pleased by this latest turn of events in the Sarepta saga. Its stock is up over 14% today to more than $18 a share. But that’s a far cry from the $173 a share it traded at a year ago.

Just like its stock price, the company has a long way to go to prove this therapy is truly useful. It spends just 14.4% of its revenue on research, development and clinical trials, just slightly more than what it earned in profits last year.

Now that its drug has clear sailing once again to treat the small patient population that suffers terribly from this disease, surely it can afford to spend the money needed to learn whether it truly works. Commissioner Makary could order Sarepta to create a registry that collects data on every patient that gets treated, which would enable statisticians, regulators and families to track these young patients’ progress and outcomes over time. He could demand Sarepta finally complete a well-controlled clinical trial with endpoints that matter.

In other words, he could require the company meet the evidentiary standards that once earned the FDA the reputation of being the gold standard for regulatory science. Isn’t that more important than keeping one’s job?

(An earlier version of this story incorrectly reported the uses of Elevidys. It has been approved by the FDA for all indications of Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy.)

Merrill Goozner is a former editor of Modern Healthcare, where he wrote a weekly column. He is also a former reporter for The Chicago Tribune and professor of business journalism at New York University.

Reprinted with permission from Gooznews Substack. Please visit and consider subscribing.

RNC Taking Unprecedented

It's Not Over: Now Is The Time To Pressure Vulnerable House Republicans

It was just under eight years ago that the nation nearly did what it is about to do and has never done before: Eliminate health insurance for millions of Americans.

I vividly recall how the last effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act ended. The entire newsroom of Modern Healthcare (the magazine I edited at the time) had gathered in front of a television monitor to watch the final Senate vote. President Donald Trump had strode into office promising repeal of the ACA. The House, with a large Republican majority, had voted in favor, but only narrowly. Twenty Republicans voted against scuttling a law that had succeeded in cutting the nation’s uninsured rate in half.

In the Senate, the decision came down to one man. Everyone stared as John McCain of Arizona, who was dying of brain cancer, strode across the Senate floor to cast the deciding vote. Republicans senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine had already voted no. As he approached the well where votes are cast, he stretched out his right arm. He had just held a brief phone conversation with the president. When his name was called, he held out his fist. With a quick flourish, he turned his thumb down. The gasp was audible.


The road to an inadequate system

Unlike every other country in the industrialized world, health insurance in the U.S. is not universal. Nor is it a right (despite the United Nations, the World Health Organization and a half dozen Democratic presidents declaring it so over the past 80 years). It is not even a guaranteed benefit for working under our employer-based health insurance system. There is no legal requirement that thousands of small businesses with tens of millions of workers offer coverage to their employees or that business, large or small, make it affordable when they do.

That’s why over the past century Congress has created an inadequate patchwork quilt of health insurance systems that to this day leaves 27 million people or 8.2% of the population uninsured. We have a government-run health care system for veterans (officially organized in 1921); a government-subsidized private insurance system paid for by employers (1940s); a government-run Medicare system for the old and disabled (1965); a joint federal-state Medicaid system for the poor (1965), subsequently expanded to include millions who work at low-wage jobs (20100; a government-run program for children who fall through the cracks (1997); and government-subsidized private health insurance for individuals who otherwise don’t have coverage (2010).

As Congress stitched each program onto the quilt, the share of the population without coverage fell. During recessions, the uninsured rate would sometimes rise temporarily, but the overall trajectory of the past century has been to move slowly, seemingly inexorably toward universal coverage.

We’re now on the verge of reversing progress for the first time. Donald Trump’s idea of making America great is to take us backwards to the time a little over a decade ago when fully 17% of the population was uninsured.

Let’s not forget that passage of the ACA took place against a backdrop of private insurance rates skyrocketing to pay for the uncompensated care given to the desperately ill people who showed up on hospitals’ doorsteps. It was also a time when tens of millions of people lacked access to routine health care, especially among the poor and poorly paid working class. That led to the gross disparities in life expectancy, infant and maternal mortality, and chronic disease incidence and deaths, which still bedevils this country.

Meanwhile, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the Trump-appointed head of the Health and Human Services Department, is presiding over the dismantling of our world-class medical research system. He’s organizing sharp reductions in childhood vaccination programs and has little to say about the budgetary evisceration of our public health infrastructure. He makes loud pronouncements about the low quality of our food supply, yet says nothing about legislation that will literally rip food out of the mouths of children. Make America healthy again? Make America unhealthy again is more like it.

There’s still hope

Despite Trump’s threat to deploy the MAGA hordes to destroy the careers of Republican Congresspersons who go against his wishes, there’s still hope that the One Big Ugly Bill can be stopped. It only takes five Republicans in the House to vote no with the 212 Democrats who will be solidly against the legislation. The Senate version that passed Tuesday sharply reduces federal support for hospitals in nearly every jurisdiction in the country in addition to maintaining massive cuts in the core Medicaid program. Its aid for rural hospitals doesn’t begin to cover the losses most will absorb.

That’s the main reason the bill barely squeaked by in the upper chamber. GOP Sens. Thom Tillis of North Carolina and Susan Collins of Maine, who couldn’t stomach the Medicaid cuts, were joined by Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky, who didn’t think its cuts went far enough. Alaska’s Sen. Lisa Murkowski, whose largely rural state would be harmed by the bill, could have been the deciding vote by said ‘yay’ despite what she said were grave misgivings. “We do not have a perfect bill by any stretch of the imagination,” she told reporters. “My hope is that House is going to look at this and recognize that we’re not there yet.”

The reality is that had she voted no, the bill as presently constructed would have died. That would have opened the Senate up for another round of deliberations where she would have wielded enormous influence.

“This fight’s not over”

The next battleground is the House, where Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), who represents another district heavily dependent on Medicaid, faces a difficult choice. He could call for a conference with the Senate, which could become a long and messy negotiation between budget hawks like Paul and those pleading for special bailouts like Murkowski and Collins.

Or, he could take the politically risky path of calling for a vote on the Senate bill, which would test Trump’s power. That opens the door for citizen activists, advocates for the poor, and the hospital and physician lobbies to put maximum pressure on Republican legislators, particularly those from swing districts that will suffer greatly from reduced support for Medicaid.

That work is already underway. Hundreds of people recently showed up on a rainy night in Omaha to pressure Rep. Don Bacon (R-NE), a former Air Force general. The Nebraska Hospital Association has warned his district faces at least six hospital closings should the bill pass. Last year, he narrowly won a district that supported Kamala Harris in the presidential race. After voting for the House version of the One Big Beautiful Bill, he announced his retirement.

“Nebraskans want no cuts to Medicaid,” Kelsey Arends, a staff attorney for Nebraska Appleseed, said at a press briefing organized by Families USA, which is just one of many groups organizing protests across the country. “340,000 people here rely on it.” Voters passed a referendum in 2018 expanding Medicaid under the ACA. In 2020, there were widespread protests that succeeded in stopping the Republican governor from instituting work requirements. “Rep. Bacon vowed to protect (Medicaid), but these bills are taking it away,” she said.

Similar local organizing campaigns are taking place in all the districts where Republican won House seats by thin margins, often riding into office on Trump’s coattails. Now they’re telling their constituents that they want to protect Medicaid and keep rural hospitals open.

“This fight’s not over,” Families USA executive director Anthony Wright said. “If these members mean anything that they said, they should not vote for this bill.”

Merrill Goozner is a former editor of Modern Healthcare, where he wrote a weekly column. He is also a former reporter for The Chicago Tribune and professor of business journalism at New York University.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

Steve Scalise

How Medicaid Cuts Will Harm Workers, Employers -- And The US Economy

How are Republicans trying to sell a bad bill? They tell lie after lie about how only able-bodied adults who refuse to go to work will be affected by their One Big Ugly Bill.

“That single mom that’s working two or three jobs right now to make ends meet under this tough economy, she doesn’t want to have to pay for somebody who’s sitting at home," House Majority Leader Steve Scalise said. When Sen. Josh Hawley (R- MO) was asked whether he was worried about working people being thrown off Medicaid because they failed to jump of all the hurdles created by the new legislation, he replied simply, “I’m for work requirements.”

These obfuscations ignore the fact that 92 percent of adults on Medicaid are already working. They work in stores, restaurants, hotels and offices. They serve as home health, nursing home and hospital aides. They build homes, staff warehouses and take the dirtiest and most dangerous jobs in manufacturing. They pick our fruits, vegetables and other agricultural commodities.

Why do they need Medicaid? Because their employers are small (less than 50 workers) and do not provide coverage. Or, if they are a large employer and required to at least offer coverage, the firms charge their employees so much in co-premiums that their workers cannot afford it on their measly paychecks. In order to qualify for Medicaid — even in the 39 states and District Columbia that have expanded the program — you have to earn under 138 percent of the federal poverty level, which is around $44,000 for a family of four in 2025.


A new report from Families USA found that nearly 20 million American workers are on Medicaid. Nearly half work for firms with less than 50 employees, which are not subject to the Affordable Care Act’s requirement they offer coverage.

Given only half (53%) of small firms even offer health insurance, their employees must turn to either ACA plans or Medicaid (if their wages are very low) for coverage. “Simply put, Medicaid is one of the only options for low-wage workers to get health insurance, and it makes a dramatic difference in these workers’ lives,” the report said.

The demographics of workers on Medicaid

The report also broke out who these low-wage workers are. Women make up a slight majority (56 percent), which isn’t surprising given female predominance in the lowest paid occupations of the retail, health care, education and social service sectors.

The racial share of workers on Medicaid generally reflect the broader society. Fully 46 percent are white; 27 percent are Hispanic; 17 percent are black; and six percent are of Asian descent. The bureaucratic roadblocks to obtaining coverage, which accounts for the vast majority of the 10 million people who will lose coverage over the next decade, will have just as big effect in Red states as in Blue states.

To sum up: Medicaid coverage subsidizes nearly every industry in America and in every state. It helps those industries be more productive since workers on Medicaid have less medical debt, are more able to pay rent and feed their families, and are healthier since they are more likely to seek out preventive care.

“Proposed cuts to Medicaid are therefore a direct threat to essential workers and core American industries,” the report concluded. “By seeking to push people off of Medicaid coverage, this budget bill not only threatens the health and financial security of our nation’s low-wage workers but also the security of our nation’s economy.”

Merrill Goozner is a former editor of Modern Healthcare, where he writes a weekly column. He is a former reporter for The Chicago Tribune and professor of business journalism at New York University. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

Abandoning 'Transparency,' RFK Jr Initiates Shady Drug Approval Scheme

Abandoning 'Transparency,' RFK Jr Initiates Shady Drug Approval Scheme

HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. at first promised “radical transparency” at all agencies within his department. Then he fired almost all the freedom of information staff at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Food and Drug Administration and the National Institutes of Health; cancelled meetings of FDA and CDC advisory committees that review vaccines and vaccine policies; and held meetings of his Make America Healthy Again Commission behind closed doors.

Marty Makary, the new head of FDA, boldly promised to purge all physicians and scientists on the agency’s 49 outside advisory committees with ties to private industry. The move, he said, heralded a new era where advisory committees with a diversity of opinions would offer advice free from industry influence.

Then, on Tueday, he announced a new program that will set up internal committees to rapidly approve experimental drugs within two months of receiving a company’s application. Given the short time frame, this will effectively bypass the agency’s advisory committee process.

The usual FDA review process often includes holding advisory committee meetings, especially when the clinical trial evidence on safety and efficacy for an experimental therapy is borderline. The review usually takes anywhere from ten months to a year.

As for speeding up the process, the agency already offers priority review vouchers for new drugs that meet unmet medical needs, treat rare diseases or are considered a breakthrough therapy. Those vouchers can then be used on any future drug application even if it doesn’t meet any of those criteria. It can also be sold to another company seeking rapid approval of a drug that isn’t critical.


Some products receiving priority reviews by agency scientists also benefit from the FDA’s accelerated approval process, where approvals are based an improvement in surrogate markers — biomarkers like elevated amyloid plaques in Alzheimer’s patients or tumor shrinkage in cancer patients that aren’t necessarily associated with a better outcomes when the final results of those clinical trials are in (which sometimes are never submitted because the drug companies fail to complete the trials).

What’s new here?

The new program layers on an immediate rapid review to any company developing a new drug or device that meets one of four criteria: Does it address a health crisis; deliver an innovative cure; meet an unmet public health need; or increase the nation’s domestic drug manufacturing capacity?

The first three criteria are so vague as to be essentially meaningless. Virtually every drug and device company claims their new products are innovative and address unmet needs, even when they’re the sixth drug in a class that treats an already well-managed condition.

As Aaron Kesselheim, a professor of medicine and member of the Center for Bioethics at Harvard Medical School, told STAT News yesterday: “It sounds like a way of giving out political favors rather than actually meaningfully changing or enhancing the regulatory process.”

The internal process for making decisions after awarding these new priority reviews will be equally problematic. Makary, a surgical oncologist, plans to convene experts from various FDA offices for a “1-day” team review that he compared to the tumor boards hospitals use when faced with a critically ill cancer patient. “This voucher harnesses that model to deliver timely decisions for drug developers,” he said in his statement.

That ignores the fact that many new drugs to treat chronic conditions like dementia, cancer, autoimmune disorders, and rare genetic diseases are often barely effective. They often have troubling safety profiles requiring careful weighing of minimal rewards against serious risks. These are the areas where FDA reviewers are most in need of advice from outside experts through the advisory committee process.

Prior to advisory committee meetings, the FDA publishes much of the data submitted by the companies seeking a new drug approval. It posts on its website its own analysis as well as the companies’ presentations of the data, which the public can review prior to the meeting. The meeting itself — often stretching over several days — are open sessions where the advisors hear from clinicians who treat patients suffering from the disease as well as consumer and safety advocates who urge the agency to give careful consideration to the risk-reward ratio.

Will these one-day “tumor board”-like sessions be open to the public? Will internal documents be published? Will they hear from interested parties?

If the goal of the new program is to shorten the FDA’s review time, the agency needn’t come up with another work around. The simplest solution is to hire additional staff.

Instead, HHS at the urging of Elon Musk’s DOGE and the Russell Vought’s Office of Management and Budget announced the FDA will be laying off 3,500 of its 19,000 staffers, exempting for the time being new product reviewers. Why not use the savings to hire more internal reviewers? That’s the surest path to shortening review times.

This new program also ignores the fact that the FDA is already heavily dependent on industry user fees to fund its review staff, which is the biggest conflict of interest at the agency. Why don’t Kennedy and Makary go to Vought and his boss in the Oval Office to demand they include more taxpayer funding for FDA reviewers instead of giving more tax breaks to the wealthy and large corporations?

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

'No Kings Day': Americans Defending Democracy -- And Health Care

'No Kings Day': Americans Defending Democracy -- And Health Care

I’ve spent much of the past few days mulling the significance of the Trump regime sending National Guard troops into Los Angeles. Gov. Gavin Newsom did not ask for them. Mayor Karen Bass did not ask for them. The tens of thousands of city and state police available to Newsom and Bass were more than adequate to curtail the vandalism perpetrated by some demonstrators during the weekend’s protests against the large-scale ICE raids in the city.

Trump’s action has only one precedent in recent history. In March 1965, President Lyndon Johnson ordered the National Guard into Alabama against the wishes of Gov. George Wallace. LBJ felt compelled to act to protect civil rights marchers in Selma, Alabama, who had been viciously attacked and beaten the previous week by state and local police.

Richard Nixon didn’t order the National Guard onto the campuses of Kent State and Jackson State during protests against the Vietnam War in the spring of 1970, which resulted in the deaths of six students. Ohio’s Gov. James Rhodes and Mississippi’s Gov. William Winter were responsible for those unnecessary and ultimately tragic actions.

Trump’s order — unjustified, lawless, a gross violation of California’s rights — raises the serious question, as much as anything that he has done to date, of whether we still live in a free country. On a number of fronts, the Supreme Court has allowed his flagrantly illegal actions to proceed unimpeded despite lower courts ruling them either illegal or unconstitutional. Congress lays supine.

The checks and balances envisioned by this country’s founders are no longer operative. They are not providing the basic protections on which freedom depends, which includes above all the government adhering to the rule of law and our elected leaders upholding the Constitution they swore to defend.

Yesterday morning, Newsom promised to sue the federal government. He raised the specter of witholding federal taxes should Trump follow through on his threat to withold government payments to the state (which would be a net plus for California like most heavily blue states, which send more to the federal government than they receive in return).

Those of us who live in major urban areas with large immigrant populations worry that our cities and our states may become the next targets of large-scale ICE raids, which will inevitably provoke a reaction from justifiably outraged young protesters. Let’s not forget that urban economies (as well as many rural agricultural and meat-processing areas) are heavily dependent on the 11 million undocumented workers the Trump regime wants to deport.

Even if a narrow majority of the general public (about 55 percent) back stricter enforcement of the nation’s immigration laws, a far larger majority backs adherence to the rule of law. A Pew Research Center poll in April found 78 percent of Americans wanted the Trump administration to follow federal court rulings, which included 91 percent of Democrats and 65 percent of Republicans. The overall number rises to 88 percent for Supreme Court rulings.

This coming Saturday, while Trump holds a Soviet-style military parade in downtown Washington, there will be mass protests across the country. People will be carrying banners declaring “No More Kings.” I’ve volunteered to be a marshall to help assure that no misguided demonstrators or agents provocateurs provide a pretext for police action. I encourage all my readers to take part.

But protests are not enough. Only an engaged citizenry can defeat the reactionary forces here at home that threaten the values that truly made America great: equality, fairness, compassion, and equal justice before laws that everyone, including the president of the United States, adheres to.

Health care on the line

With that thought in mind, I hope that you will take time over the next few weeks to let your Senators know that you oppose the vicious cuts to Medicaid and Obamacare subsidies included in the “One Big Beautiful Bill.” The Congressional Budget Office last week predicted just those sections alone will result in around 15 million people losing health insurance over the next decade.

Let’s put that number in perspective. There are currently around 28 million uninsured in the U.S. or about eight percent of the population, which is down from 17 oercent when Barack Obama took office in 2009. The 2010 Affordable Care Act, for all its flaws (which I won’t go into here), was tremendously successful in achieving its main goal of reducing the U.S. uninsured rate. Add 15 million more people to the ranks of the uninsured and that rate will soar back to at least 12 percent.

Who will pay for the costs of those people when they show up in the emergency room needing health care that they can’t pay for? You and your employers, who will wind up paying higher rates for private health insurance to pay for the cost of hospitals’ and physicians’ uncompensated care.

Rural hospitals, which are heavily dependent on Medicaid funding, will get hurt the most because states where most of those hospitals are located cannot afford to make up for the cutbacks in federal support. The destitute elderly in nursing homes will also suffer as their staffs get cut due to the proposed law’s ending of the Biden administration’s minimum staffing rule.

And to what end? The work requirements that Republicans claim are merely aimed at getting shirkers off the rolls is a smoke screen to hide the bill’s true intent: To keep alive unnecessary tax breaks for the most well-off people in this country. That $4 trillion-plus giveaway is so large that even after making massive cuts in health care and other domestic spending, it will still increase the federal deficit by over $2 trillion over the next decade.

Merrill Goozner is a former editor of Modern Healthcare, where he writes a weekly column. He is a former reporter for The Chicago Tribune and professor of business journalism at New York University. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

As Trump Regime Attacks Science, China Is Set To Dominate Future Research

As Trump Regime Attacks Science, China Is Set To Dominate Future Research

This week, two items related to the future of medical research, and the prices that Americans will pay for drugs, caught my eye.

First, the Trump regime’s proposed budget for 2026 will slash $18 billion or nearly 40 percent from the 26 institutes that make up the National Institutes of Health. The National Cancer Institute and the National Institute for Allergy and Infectious Diseases, both of which have been on the forefront of medical innovation over the past half century, are slated for nearly one-third of those cuts, reducing their budgets (unadjusted for inflation) to levels not seen since 2003.

Second, U.S.-based Bristol-Myers Squibb on Monday struck a $11 billion deal with Germany-based BioNTech to co-develop a drug aimed at fighting advanced lung, breast and other solid-tumor cancers. The drug candidate, now in clinical trials, was developed in China using technologies originally invented by scientists working on NIH grants.

Viewed together, these events exemplify how the scientific infrastructure for medical innovation and the scientists involved in discovery are gradually moving abroad. This trend will be expedited by the Trump regime’s incessant attacks on U.S. universities, where most of the cutting edge medical research historically took place.

They also show how Americans — both as patients and consumers — will eventually pay a hefty price for this destructive nihilism. The Trump minions in charge of HHS, NIH and the FDA are doing nothing to prevent the biotech and pharmaceutical industries from losing the seed corn for future medical breakthroughs, even as the companies within those industries impose exorbitant prices that put profits over health while remaining agnostic about the sources of their next products.

A big deal

Let’s start by taking a closer look at the players behind the Bristol-Myers - BioNTech announcement. Bristol-Myers is deeply engaged in bringing new cancer therapeutics to market. Some of its products come from its own investments in research and development. But a hefty share of its current drug portfolio was discovered on Wall Street, where it either financed or bought out smaller, often financially challenged biotech firms with promising drug candidates.

The BioNTech deal fits that mold. Bristol-Myers will provide capital to finance the final stages of the drug’s development in exchange for the right to manufacture and co-market the product.

BioNTech is hardly struggling. It rose to fame and fortune by forging a similar partnership with Pfizer to rapidly produce one of the two COVID-19 vaccines that used mRNA technology, among the few positive achievements of the first Trump administration. The technology had been developed during the previous decade with funding from NIH. Today, mRNA technology stands accused of causing more harm than good by HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. despite having saved an estimated 20 million lives.

BioNTech made billions of dollars/euros selling the vaccines through guaranteed government contracts during the pandemic. But it did not use that windfall to invest in the R&D that produced the drug candidate that was the subject of this week’s announcement. Rather, it paid nearly $1 billion last year to acquire Biotheus, a Chinese company that developed the drug candidate in the Bristol-Myers deal.

Biotheus, based in Zhuhai, China, is headed by Xiaolin Liu. Liu did his graduate work at Brandeis University and post-doctoral work at Harvard Medical School. He learned the drug industry ropes by spending two decades in the R&D labs at Abbott, Bristol-Myers and Adimab before returning to his home country.

When young, Liu stood on the leading edge of the wave of immigrants that has transformed the STEM (science, technology, engineering and math) fields in the U.S. Today, foreigners fill about one-third of all slots in America’s graduate research programs, including 40 percent in the biomedical fields. Every one of them now lives in daily fear of deportation. Most are probably leaning toward returning to their home countries to work once they’ve completed their education.

So what this deal represents is two western pharmaceutical firms flush with cash looking to places like China to buy what they hope will be their next big blockbuster drug, while that country is rapidly building its capacity to serve that demand. It is only a matter of time before the Chinese government begins making heavy investments in basic research, and becomes the leading provider of basic science discoveries that will eventually lead to the next generation of new drugs, medical devices and other advanced medical technologies. The advice I would give today to any young American who is a prospective STEM researcher is to learn Mandarin.

That’s the educational/research/financial side of this week’s announcement. It also reawakened the medical science reporter in me.

The government-funded tools behind innovation

The drug involved in the Bristol-Myers-BioNTech deal, now dubbed BNT327 (it was PM8002 under Biotheus), was created using CRISPR gene-editing technology, which was invented at the University of California at Berkeley in 2012 with NIH funding. It won its co-inventors, Emmanuelle Charpentier and Jennifer Doudna, the 2020 Nobel Prize for chemistry.

CRISPR, which stands for Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats (this won’t be on the test), is a gene-editing technique that allows scientists to modify DNA sequences. It has been likened to a molecular scissors that can cut DNA at specific locations, allowing for the insertion, deletion, and/or replacement of genetic material.

Biotheus used CRISPR to bioengineer PM8002/BNT327, an antibody that simultaneously targets two cell receptors that play roles in rapid tumor growth. One snippet on the antibody inhibits the PD-1/PD-L1 pathway, which prevents a person’s own cells (whether normal or cancerous) from being recognized as foreign by the immune system; a second snippet blocks the signaling proteins VEGF-A and VEGFR2, which promote growth of the new blood vessels that the rapidly growing tumor needs.

The companies hope this drug candidate will become the go-to complement for a broad range of solid tumor chemotherapy regimens. In Wall Street terms, successfully winning FDA approval will allow BNT327 to become a multi-billion-dollar-a-year blockbuster. “The future standard of care for the treatment of advanced cancers will be combinations with novel immuno-oncology backbones,” Özlem Türeci, chief medical officer of BioNTech said in the company press release.

(Türeci and Uğur Şahin, the co-founders of BioNTech, are both of Turkish decent and educated in Germany, whose technology-driven industries benefit enormously from the expertise developed by immigrants and their offspring, just like the U.S.)

Another me-too drug?

There are still many milestones to pass before BNT327 proves worthy of the hype. The early safety trials did not generate efficacy data, and the first Phase II/III efficacy trial is still several years away from completion. But BioNTech investigators recently reported early results for BNT327 that “demonstrated encouraging efficacy” among patients with advanced lung cancer.

There’s good reason to think it will pass the safety and efficacy tests and win FDA approval. Why do I say that? There are already several drugs on the market that target the same pathways, only individually. AstroZeneca’s Imfinzi (generic name durvalumab) and Roche/Genentech’s Tecentriq (atezolizumab) target the PD-1/PD-L1 pathway, which encourages a patient’s natural immune system to attack the cancer. Genentech’s Avastin (bevacizumab) and its generic biosimilars inhibit the VEGF receptors, which prevents the blood vessel growth that feeds a tumor.

However, it’s important to note that these drugs, when added to chemotherapy, are far from curative, especially when given in the latter stages of lung, breast, colon and other solid tumor cancers. Imfinzi and Tecentriq extended life by an average of 2 to 3 months on average (although in late stage cancer among people who had never received any previous treatments, Imfinzi with chemotherapy compared to chemotherapy alone increased life expectancy by about 13 months).

Anti-angiogenesis Avastin and its biosimilar copies have never lived up to their initial hype as the cure-all for all cancers (see this 1998 story on the front page of the New York Times, one of the more egregious examples of journalistic overhype). Clinical trials that add Avastin to chemotherapy for non-small cell lung cancer and metastatic colon cancer, its two primary uses, show an improvement in overall survival over chemotherapy alone of anywhere from 2 to 4 months. The drug lost its FDA approval for breast cancer in 2012 when it failed to improve overall survival.

(For a comprehensive investigative report on the limited efficacy of recently approved anti-cancer drugs, see this excellent article that appeared last weekend on Bloomberg, “Cancer Drugs Cost More Than Ever. They Often Don’t Extend Lives.”)

There’s another reason why it’s unlikely this new drug, if and when it is approved, will be far from a miracle cure. There is already something just like it on the market. In 2020, the FDA approved Roche’s application to treat advanced liver cancer patients with a combination of Tecentriq and Avastin, thereby targeting both pathways at the same time with two different drugs. Compared to the standard of care, which was a single chemotherapy drug, it improved life expectancy by 42% or about 5 1/2 months, according to the Roche press release.

All these modest gains come with significant side effects, which can be debilitating to the quality of life for patients living through the final stages of a fatal disease. Nearly two-thirds of patients in the BNT327 safety trials experienced serious side effects, including hair falling out (alopecia) and sharp decreases in white and red blood cell counts (leukocytopenia and anemia).

Will this drug ever become an important add-on to the wide range of cancer chemotherapy regimens? Or will it, in essence, become a two-in-one “me too” drug, one that will compete with drugs already on the market, all of which have fairly limited efficacy?

What we do know is that these intravenously administered drugs will provide its benefits at a tremendous cost to patients, both physical and financial. Ditto for taxpayers, who pick up most of the tab for the elderly and poor who together make up a disproportionate share of cancer patients. An estimated 54% of patients who are diagnosed with cancer each year are on Medicare, while about 10% of people on Medicaid either have or had cancer. The cost of these bioengineered therapies ranges into the many hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Silence of the lions

Pharmaceutical companies and their trade groups have long been among the most powerful and influential lobbying forces in Washington. Until the Biden administration passed drug price negotiating authority, they managed to fend off every attack on their pricing power, patent gaming and similar tactics that enable the industry to remain one of the most profitable in America.

Yet my search of the latest press releases on the websites of both PhRMA (the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers Association) and BIO (the Biotechnology Innovation Organization) turns up zero statements taking the Trump regime to task for gutting government-funded biomedical research.

Research!America, the long-time lobbying group created to expand NIH budgets (its greatest success was the doubling of agency budgets in the 1990s), had this to say about the pending budget cuts: “If the proposal is enacted, Americans today and tomorrow will be sicker, poorer, and die younger. American research has a proven track record of increasing survival, reducing the burden of illness, and creating jobs. Cutting research funding helps no one; instead, it hurts everyone.”

Everyone, that is, except the Chinese.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

Does 'MAHA' Report Mean That Kennedy Will Oppose Corporate Power?

Does 'MAHA' Report Mean That Kennedy Will Oppose Corporate Power?

Last week’s Make American Healthy Again Commission report on childhood health was clearly the product of the left side of Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s brain. Other than its vaccine section, it echoed arguments that progressive physician-scientists and public interest groups have been making for decades:

  • Overconsumption of ultra-processed, nutritionally inadequate food exposes kids to harmful additives and contributes mightily to the obesity and diabetes epidemic among children.
  • Kids’ cumulative exposures to environmental toxins are a major cause of the disturbing growth in autism, allergies and other developmental disorders.
  • The lack of physical activity associated with constant use of electronic devices leads to sleep deprivation, stress, hyperactivity and other mental health conditions.
  • The drug industry profits enormously from selling pills to treat the effects (not the causes) of all of these conditions. And,
  • The government agencies charged with protecting kids from dangerous chemicals have been captured by manufacturers, who fund most of the research that goes into determining whether or not their products are safe.

These public health concerns are areas where the left and the MAHA movement led by RFK Jr. happen to be in agreement. The still unanswered question is what will they do about it.


Commission members endorsing the report included nearly every relevant cabinet secretary. But it also included Russell Vought (head of the Office of Management and Budget), Stephen Miller (anti-immigration czar and Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy), and Kevin Hassett (Director of the National Economic Council). They promised to offer a plan by mid-August that would “get to the truth of why we are getting sick” while “spurring pro-growth policies and innovations.”

That, too, is something the left has been offering for decades. There is no reason why American corporatized farms have to pursue mono-crop agriculture that relies on heavy doses of pesticides, herbicides and chemical fertilizers. Smaller, family-owned farms can earn just as good a living by including more nutritious foods for local use in their crop mix.

For decades, the left has also bemoaned the lack of regulation over the thousands of chemicals used by industry that are being dumped into the air and water without being tested for their potential effects on humans. Progressives have long argued that scientists funded by government or truly independent non-profit research institutes should be the sole determinants of what chemicals can be unleashed on the public.

An agenda for change

If RFK Jr. at the Health and Human Services Department, Martin Makary at the Food and Drug Administration, Jayanta Bhattacharya at the National Institutes of Health, and Lee Zeldin at the Environmental Protection Agency (all signatories to the report) want items for their action agenda, here’s one place they could look. Last January, the 25-member Consortium for Children’s Environmental Health issued a call, published by the New England Journal of Medicine, for a new law governing the regulation of chemicals used by industry.

Here’s some facts drawn from that article:

  • Fewer than 20 percent of the estimated 350,000 chemicals, chemical mixtures, and plastics used by industry, most produced from gas, oil and coal, have been tested for toxicity, “and fewer still for toxic effects in infants and children.
  • “Over the last half century, rhe incidence of childhood cancers has increased by 35 percent. Male reproductive birth defects have doubled in frequency. Neurodevelopmental disorders now affect 1 in 6 children, and autism spectrum disorder is diagnosed in 1 in 36. Pediatric asthma has tripled in prevalence. Pediatric obesity has nearly quadrupled in prevalence and has driven a sharp increase in type 2 diabetes among children and adolescents.
  • “Even brief, low-level exposures to toxic chemicals during early vulnerable periods are linked to increased risk of disease and disability in children that can persist across the life course.
  • “Diseases caused by toxic chemical exposures in childhood can lead to massive economic losses, including health care expenditures and lifelong productivity losses resulting from reduced cognitive function, physical disabilities, and premature death. The chemical industry largely externalizes these costs and imposes them on governments and taxpayers.”

The Toxic Substances Control Act, passed in 1977, failed to give the Environmental Protection Agency the authority to prevent dangerous chemicals from being introduced into the environment or food supply. It assumes all manufactured chemicals are safe and puts the onus on government to prove otherwise.

The EPA was never given the resources to conduct the necessary research. And now, under the Trump regime, the entire research department is being eliminated.

Even before Elon Musk wielded a meat-axe at the EPA and other agencies, most research about potential toxicities from chemicals came from industry-funded scientists. The same held true for the FDA when it looks at studies of food additives, most of which, not surprisingly, claim no harms are caused from their use. I participated in a 2007 study documenting this bias entitled, “Relationship between Funding Source and Conclusion among Nutrition-Related Scientific Articles,” which was cited in the MAHA Commission report.

The Consortium for Children’s Environmental Health action agenda included these items:

  • The U.S. should pass a new law that no new or existing chemical or chemical-based product be allowed to enter or remain on the market if their manufacturer hasn’t proved through independent testing that they are not toxic.
  • All toxicity testing must be undertaken in laboratories that are free from financial conflicts of interest. Manufacturers should be required to bear the cost of independent testing, but not be allowed to conduct it themselves.
  • Chemical manufacturers must conduct postmarketing surveillance to determine long-term adverse effects, especially in pediatric populations.
  • The U.S. should join in international efforts to create a treaty aimed at protecting children here and around the world from the proliferation of toxic chemicals in foods, products and the environment. An international panel of independent physicians and scientists should adopt regulations that all treaty signatories adhere to, which will create a level playing field for industry.

“Pollution by synthetic chemicals and plastics is a major planetary challenge that is worsening rapidly, “ the Consortium’s authors concluded. “Continued, unchecked increases in production of fossil-carbon–based chemicals endangers the world’s children and threatens humanity’s capacity for reproduction… Inaction on chemicals is no longer an option.”

Had the MAHA report eschewed vaccine skepticism, it might have been greeted with less skepticism in the media. Will they take actions this summer that actually limit the ability of Trump’s corporate campaign contributors to spew toxics into the air and water and adulterate the food supply?

Yesterday, RFK Jr. announced the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is withdrawing its recommendation that pregnant women and children get vaccinated for COVID. That suggests his priorities lie elsewhere.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

How Trump's 'Big Beautiful' Medicare Cuts May Harm Your Health Care

How Trump's 'Big Beautiful' Medicare Cuts May Harm Your Health Care

I’m no defender of the cruel and unusual punishment inflicted on the American people by the House Republicans’ “One Big Beautiful Bill” passed late Tuesday night. And it’s important to understand that Medicare as well as Medicaid will take a major hit, nearly $500 billion in cuts over the next decade, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

But the political impact will be far less than the cuts to Medicaid, food stamps, reproductive health, environmental and other program contained in the bill. That’s why I’m interrupting my travels this morning to offer this explainer because how defenders of Medicare and Medicaid talk about these Medicare cuts matters.

Under the bill, Medicare will be subjected to sequestration under the 1997 Balanced Budget Act. Sequestration is an across-the-board cut in government programs that Congress can impose if a spending bill increases the deficit.

Not all programs are affected. Medicaid, Pell Grants, and Social Security benefits are exempt. Medicare, Head Start, housing assistance, public safety grants, and transportation, among many, are not. In theory, defense spending should also be cut, but it was increased under this bill.

CBO estimates this bill’s limited sequestration will impose a four percent across-the-board cut in Medicare funding. This would include payments to both providers (boo!!) and Medicare Advantage plans sold by insurers (yay!!). Since MA plans now cover over 51 percent of seniors and are paid somewhere between 8-20 percent more on average per beneficiary than traditional Medicare, insurers will get hit with most of the cuts.

Now, if this were targeted just at MA plans along with new requirements on how they spent the money (like raising the mandatory medical loss ratio to 90 percent from 85 percent), and the money saved was targeted to preserve Medicaid as it now is (the $500 billion would cover most of the proposed cuts to that program), I might be cheering this aspect of the bill.

But as it stands, this is how MA plans and providers in traditional Medicare will likely respond to sequestration should it make it into the final bill:

  • They will reduce access. MA insurers will impose more stringent prior authorization rules, increase claims denials, and impose reductions on the amounts they pay hospitals, doctors and other providers;
  • Physician practices will impose limits on patient access for non-essential and less remunerative services like wellness visits and preventive care. Private equity, insurer and some hospital-owned physician practices will speed up the treadmill that already has a typical office visit down to 13 minutes or less;
  • Fewer doctors in many areas of the country will accept new Medicare patients, resulting in longer wait times and more difficulty finding providers, especially specialists; and
  • Some of those extra benefits in MA plans will disappear or be made more difficult to use. Many plans may impose higher out-of-pocket costs; and
  • The cuts will be especially damaging in rural areas already suffering from hospital closures and physician shortages. Seniors and the disabled will have to travel farther for care.

CBO estimated Congress could save nearly $1 trillion over the next decade by simply cutting MA plan payments down to the same amount providers would have received had their beneficiaries remained in traditional Medicare. Instead, they crafted a sequestration that will make it harder and more expensive for seniors and the disabled to access care.

It is the ways that will affect beneficiaries is what the general public needs to hear about as the bill now moves to the Senate — not the top line dollar number for the cuts.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.