Tag: tariffs
Mainstream Media Still Doesn't Know What To Do With Trump's Big Lies

Mainstream Media Still Doesn't Know What To Do With Trump's Big Lies

A few days ago the Wall Street Journal published an oped by President Trump wherein he argued how great the US economy is on his watch and why tariffs are the main reason for that greatness. It’s a steaming mess of an argument, a firehose of falsehoods, though the one upside is that I haven’t seen it referenced anywhere. It sunk like a stone under the weight of its lies.

I won’t go through them here (though I’m about to link to a strong rebuttal), as it would be a waste of both of our times. Also, as you’d expect, it’s a greatest hits album with all the golden oldies he constantly blathers on about: inflation is zero (vs. 2.7 percent in the last CPI reading), prices are down, foreigners have invested “$18 trillion!” in America (that would be 60 percent of GDP; biz investment is currently 14 percent of GDP). The irony is that, as I’ve often stressed in these pages, the macro economy is, in fact, quite solid, even if the job market has worrisomely softened.

By far, the most potentially consequential macro development over the past few years is faster productivity growth. If that sticks—if we’re really, lastingly generating more output per hour of work—it means the US economy can grow faster without worrying about inflation picking up. Of course, there’s no guarantee that faster growth reaches working-class people in the form of higher wages, income, wealth; often, it has not. But those are all other discussions.

At any rate, I saw no reference to this hot mess until this morning, when a prominent newspaper ran a fulsome rebuttal to Trump’s claims. This new piece points out that solid research shows that, of course, tariffs have not been absorbed by exporters but passed through to American businesses and consumers, generating higher prices on those imports, hurting investment, and making production more, not less, expensive for our own manufactures, who have been aggressively shedding jobs (half of our imports are inputs into domestic production).

That prominent newspaper is the same Wall Street Journal that published Trump’s oped.

What should one make of this? How is one supposed to process the fact that the media publishes, without criticism or an accompanying fact check, a cascade of outright lies, only to rebut it a few days later? What does that say about our collective understanding of reality? And what should the WSJ have done in this case?

If you’re a newspaper with an oped page, and the President gives you an oped, you can argue that such a piece is de facto newsworthy. As the Journal editors themselves said in their rebuttal, “We thought we owed him the opportunity after our criticism of his tariffs.”

But unless his argument is fact-based and substantive, that’s ridiculous. The WSJ’s criticism of Trump’s tariffs has been wholly fact-driven—they’re consistently done great work on this, and I say that as someone whose ideology differs sharply from that of this ed board. If they say 2+2=4, nobody, not even the president, gets to pushback with 2+2=5.

I give them some credit for coming back with “no, it’s 4.” But that doesn’t fix what’s broken here.

I had a similar complaint about the New York Times' recent big-deal interview with Trump in the Oval. You can listen to the recording. They ask a question. He lies. They move on to the next question.

The only way to understand this is as performance art. It’s not a discussion about reality, facts, how policies play out in the real world. It’s a game, wherein Trump describes his alt reality and the media prints it because he’s the president and his reality matters. Which is true. It matters a lot and it’s one of the main reasons we’re in the mess we’re in. Never before has a president and his whole operation been so detached from reality, to the point wherein we see horrific things with our own eyes and they immediately say “no, that’s not what happened.”

But this is not benign, cute, or harmless. It’s not “oh, there he goes again! Whaddya gonna do? He’s the POTUS! You’ve got to run it.” It’s not just another flavor of our intense partisanship. It’s corrosive at best and fatal to democracy at worst. Allowing this false reality to fester has now been shown to be literally fatal to our fellow citizens.

I’m not a media expert, and I’m well aware that they’re in the business of selling news, and that clickbait = $ (though again, no one seemed to pick up on Trump’s op-ed). But there is no question in my mind that publishing falsehoods, even from the president—especially from the president—is not worth the money.

You may be thinking, “hey, it’s the op-ed page, not a column.” Well, I’ve written lots of op-eds and in every case, the editors insist that facts be verified. I’m not the president, but there’s absolutely no reason that the same rules shouldn’t apply.

Yes, of course, they have to cover him. But not like this.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Econjared.

Tariffs Can Serve The Public Interest (But Not Trump's Wacky Version)

Tariffs Can Serve The Public Interest (But Not Trump's Wacky Version)

I know many people have been saying in the wake of Charlie Kirk’s killing that we have to reach out to our political opponents to lower the temperature of political debate. In that spirit, I will make a case for Donald Trump’s favorite word: tariffs.

Many of the criticisms of Trump’s tariffs have been overblown. Tariffs by themselves will not crash the economy. Tariffs are a tax; as such they pull money out of people’s pockets and leave them with less to spend.

This undoubtedly has been a major factor in the slowdown in growth in 2025. Donald Trump has unilaterally imposed the largest tax increase ever and it has had an impact on the economy.

Tariffs have been used by many countries, including the United States, to industrialize and build up key industries. This was the intention of the tariffs that Biden imposed as part of the CHIPS Act and Inflation Reduction Act. Biden wanted to build up U.S. capacity in advanced computer chips, as well as batteries, solar and wind energy and electric vehicles.

Trump’s tariffs are not in the same vein. If there is any logic to the rates assigned to different products and countries, no one has been able to untangle it. It’s clear that campaign contributions matter, as does the willingness of foreign leaders to appease Trump.

But tariffs do raise revenue. There are questions about how much revenue we need to raise. I take seriously the admonishment from the Modern Monetary Theory economists that taxes are about reducing demand in the economy, not raising revenue for a government like the United States that prints its own currency.

We can print the money we need to finance things like health care and childcare, as long as we are not pushing the economy beyond its capacities and causing inflation. But whatever the economics may be, we have to live in a reality where deficit hawks have the power to shut down any spending they decide is leading to excessively large deficits.

There are more progressive ways to raise revenue. We can raise the top marginal tax rate substantially, getting more money out of the rich while leaving the bulk of the population untouched. We can force companies to give us non-voting shares of stock in place of income tax payments. That way we could be sure that we actually collect the tax rate we target. And we can have a sales tax on stock transactions, just as we do on the sales of shoes and computers.

But insofar as we need more revenue, tariffs are not necessarily a bad place to look. Many people across the political spectrum have long argued for a value-added tax (VAT), in effect a national sales tax. The United States is one of the few wealthy countries that does not have a VAT. A VAT is undeniably regressive, low- and middle-income people pay a higher share of their income in taxes than the rich. But if it funds progressive policies, like national health care, free college, childcare and other programs that benefit the poor and middle class, the net effect could still be progressive.

Tariffs can be seen as similar to a VAT. It only taxes a subset of items; goods not services and only imported ones, but it has the advantage of being a relatively easy tax to collect. We impose the tax when goods show up at the port.

Trump has made the process more difficult by having wildly different rates on the same products from different countries and different products from the same countries. It also doesn’t help that he constantly changes the tax rates depending on how he feels and who might have gotten him angry.

Setting up a VAT would require a new administrative structure to ensure that goods get taxed at each step of the production process. This means that, for example, in the case of cars, the steel would be taxed, each part would be taxed, the tires would be taxed. The tax on all these items then would get rolled into the price of the car.

In principle, this would be the better route to go, since the same revenue could be raised with a much lower tax rate. But a uniform tariff rate of say 15 percent on all items imported from all countries would not be a terrible way to go, if it is locked in.

The impact of a 15 percent tariff would be similar to the impact of a 15 percent drop in the value of the dollar in its effect on the cost of imports. A drop in the dollar also would make U.S. exports cheaper to people in other countries, which the tariff does not, so it has less effect on the trade deficit. However, the United States and its trading partners could adjust to a tariff of 15 percent, just like they can adjust to a decline in the dollar, as long as the tariffs are not constantly changing.

For this reason, if the U.S. were to go the route of relying on an import tax as way of raising revenue it would be important to lock in the rate. That would require unambiguous legislation from Congress setting the rate with extremely limited powers for the president to alter it for short periods of time. In order to make this clear to Chief Justice John Roberts and the Supreme Court, they should probably use all caps in the legislation and incorporate the full text of the first paragraph of Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution.

There is still the issue of an import tax being regressive, but that is the same issue that arises with a VAT. The key point would be that it would be offsetting spending on health care, childcare, and education, not Donald Trump’s tax cuts for the rich and the grift by his family, friends and campaign contributors, or his ICE army. Most people would probably consider that a good deal.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

Shakedown Shack: Everyday Corruption In Trump's White House

Shakedown Shack: Everyday Corruption In Trump's White House

Corruption is always a potential problem in government, although if we get beyond the idiocy about the “Biden crime family,” the last two Democratic administrations were remarkably scandal free. However, Donald Trump is determined to make scandal the normal course of events so that it is not even newsworthy. His corruption is in plain view, all the time. Rather than deny it, the Trump administration says, “So what?”

It’s hard to know where to begin. While in the White House, Trump initiated his own crypto coin and quickly got billions of dollars in investments from people seeking favors. The most notable payoff along these lines was the government of Abu Dhabi, which got access to advanced computer chips after putting $2 billion into Trump’s stablecoins.

Then there were the big contributors who had hundreds of millions of dollars of fines that were effectively forgiven. Last week, the New York Times reported on three major Trump contributors who had cases before the Securities and Exchange dropped which potentially could have led to hundreds of millions of dollars in penalties. And then there is the case involving border czar Tom Homan, who took $50,000 in cash as part of an FBI sting operation. The Justice Department dropped the case, saying nothing to see here.

But these are all ad hoc acts of corruption. The real fun is when corruption is institutionalized. That is how we should understand Trump’s proposal to charge $100,000 for each H-1B visa. While details of the proposal keep changing, like whether it is a one-time charge, whether it is assessed again at renewal after three years, or whether it is annual, the basic point is clear. Trump wants to charge companies a big chunk of money to bring in skilled foreign workers.

The visa plan includes the unsurprising provision that Trump will have the option to grant favored businesses an exemption from this fee. The cash registers at the White House are probably already running wild. It should be a huge potential bonanza for Trump and his family.

If the point is to prevent businesses from hiring foreign workers to undercut U.S. workers’ pay, there are ways to achieve this goal that benefit workers rather than Donald Trump’s pocketbook. For example, the government could raise the minimum pay for a worker on an H-1B visa from the current $60,000 to $100,000, or even higher. Remember, these are supposed to be highly skilled positions. The rules could also be changed to make it easier for H-1B workers to change jobs, in effect allowing them to take the best offer, just like any other worker. But there would be no money in these changes for Donald Trump.

Trump’s approach to H-1B visas is similar to his approach to tariffs. He put in place a policy that allows him enormous discretion in its application. In the case of tariffs, he essentially invited CEOs to come to Mar-a-Lago to kiss his rear and hand him bribes in order to be exempted. (See Tim Cook and Apple.) Tariffs also have this effect for foreign heads of state. They can give Trump material gifts, like his plane from Qater, or do things like invite Trump to meet with the King of England or nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize.

This is how we have to understand economic policy under Trump. It’s about designing a system to maximize the opportunities for grift for Trump and his family.

Not only does Trump not care about the impact of his policies on the lives of ordinary people; he doesn’t even know how they are getting by. Trump keeps insisting that prices are down and that people are paying $2.00 for a gallon of gas. (The average is over $3.00.) And Trump’s aides are too scared to correct him.

It is a foolish exercise to try to make sense of Trump’s major actions on the economy as economic policy. They are about lining his pockets and making people bow down to him. By this measure, Trump’s policies are doing very well.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

Big Break For Billionaires -- But A Massive New Tax On Working Families

Big Break For Billionaires -- But A Massive New Tax On Working Families

Donald Trump seems to be doing everything possible to show his contempt for ordinary working people, many of whom voted for him last fall. Just after signing his big bill, which gave massive tax breaks to the rich while taking away health care insurance for 12 to 17 million people, Trump announced that he will hit workers with one of the largest tax increases ever.

The tax increases take the form of the import taxes, or tariffs, that Trump plans to impose on the goods that we import from the rest of the world. While we won’t know the actual size of these taxes until Trump sends us his letters, based on what he has said to date, it will almost certainly be several trillion dollars if they are left in place over a decade. Taking a low-end figure of $2 trillion, that would come to $16,000 per household over the next decade.

To be clear, Trump insists that other countries will pay the tariff, but there is no reason for anyone to care about whatever idiocy comes out of Trump’s mouth. Trump said that there are 20 million people, with reported birthdays putting them over 115, getting Social Security (The number of dead people getting checks is in the low thousands.).

He said China doesn't have any wind power. (It leads the world in wind power.) And Trump said global warming isn’t happening and slashed the budget for monitoring weather. Now 70 people are dead in Texas from floods for which they and state officials were not adequately warned.

The dead people in Texas, their families, and the rest of the country don’t have time for Donald Trump’s make-believe world. It doesn't matter that Trump says other countries will pay the tariffs. Who knows what Trump actually believes, but in reality-land we pay the tariffs.

This is not hard to demonstrate. We have data on import prices through May of this year. This is before many of Trump’s tariffs hit, but items for most countries already faced a Trump tax of at least 10 percent, with much higher taxes on goods from China, as well as aluminum and cars and parts.

If other countries were paying the tariffs, then the prices of the goods we import, which do not include the tariff, would be falling. They aren’t.

To start with the big picture, the price of all non-fuel imports was 1.7 percent higher in May of 2025 than it had been in May of 2024. That doesn’t look like exporters are eating the tariffs. If we want a base of comparison, non-fuel import prices rose by just 0.5 percent from May of 2023 to May of 2024. If we want to tell a story of exporters eating the tariffs, we’re going in the wrong direction.

If we look to motor vehicles and parts, the numbers again go in the wrong direction. Import prices are 0.7 per cent higher than they were in May of 2024. If we turn to aluminum the story is even worse. The price of aluminum imports was 5.4 percent higher in May of this year than a year ago.

There is a small bit of good news on apparel prices. This index for import prices was 2.9 percent lower in May of 2025 than the prior. But before celebrating too much, it’s worth noting that the price of imported apparel goods had already been dropping before Trump’s tariffs. It fell 0.3 percent from May of 2023 to May of 2024.

It’s also worth noting that much of this apparel comes from China, where items now face a 54 percent tariff. Insofar as our imported apparel comes from China, this 2.9 percent price decline would mean exporters are eating just over 5 percent of the tariff. So if Trump imposed import taxes of $2 trillion over the next decade, we will pay $1.9 trillion of these tariffs.

In short, whatever Trump may say or think, people in the United States will be paying his tariffs. They amount to a very big and not beautiful tax increase on ordinary workers.

Dean Baker is an economist, author, and co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research. His writing has appeared in many major publications, including The Atlantic, The Washington Post, and The Financial Times.

Reprinted with permission from Substack.

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