Tag: texas republicans
Texas Republicans' Lawless Detention Of Nicole Collier

Texas Republicans' Lawless Detention Of Nicole Collier

Dustin Burrows, call your lawyer.

Burrows is the Republican Speaker of the Texas House. This week, he told all Democratic Representatives that they had to sign a permission slip to accept a 24/7 police escort if they wanted to leave the legislative chambers.

You heard that right. Democrats — but not Republicans — needed a permission slip, like schoolkids cutting class or criminal suspects. That was Burrows's heavy-handed school-principal response to the Democrats’ previous departure from the state to prevent the full legislature from passing a gerrymandered map to deliver five more Republicans to the House of Representatives.

But the Democrats had returned and were present for the new special session that Governor Greg Abbott called to ram through the new map, which was passed yesterday.

Enter Nicole Collier, a Democratic representative from Fort Worth. Collier read the form, thought about the implications, and told Burrows what he could do with his permission slip. She refused to sign and submit to having a police officer shadow her.

And so, under Burrows’s orders, she has been confined to the chamber itself, sleeping on chairs like a traveler abandoned in an airport terminal. She posted a photo of herself dozing on the House floor. And she’s been giving national interviews that make Burrows and his colleagues look like overbearing hall monitors who’ve stumbled into felony territory.

The twist is that Texas Democrats had already returned to Austin, clearing the way for Republicans to push through their redistricting plan — a map designed to squeeze out five more GOP seats. They only came back after California Democrats announced their own redrawn map to create five additional Democratic seats, a move the California Supreme Court has since blessed. In other words, Texas Republicans had already gotten what they wanted. Yet instead of basking in their new lines, Burrows decided to humiliate and detain a colleague in a show of brute force.

The obvious question is what authority Burrows has to keep Collier under a kind of House arrest.

The answer is: none whatsoever.

Texas House rules do include a provision that allows for a so-called “civil arrest” (a dubious category in itself — an arrest is an arrest and is subject to Fourth Amendment restrictions) of lawmakers who have fled the state to break quorum. The Texas Supreme Court upheld that power in a 2021 case, but it emphasized that House Rule 5 applies only to compel the attendance of absent members.

Collier, of course, isn’t absent. She’s sitting right there in the chamber. She hasn’t even tried to slip out a side door. That means the text of the rule gives Burrows no authority whatsoever to confine her, much less threaten her with arrest for refusing an escort.

So Collier has done exactly what the law prescribes: she’s filed a habeas corpus petition demanding her release. Habeas — the “Great Writ” — is one of the oldest protections in the Anglo-American legal tradition, and its paradigmatic use is for just this kind of moment, when an official detains someone without legal justification. By any fair reading, her petition should be an easy win.

But habeas is just the start. If Burrows’s legal cover falls away, as it should, his conduct isn’t just unauthorized — it violates any of a number of civil and criminal laws.

Start with false arrest. Under Texas law, false arrest (sometimes called false imprisonment) is simply the unlawful restraint of a person without legal justification. By the textbook definition, Collier has been arrested: a reasonable person in her position would not feel free to leave.

Then there’s the Texas crime of unlawful restraint, which the statute defines as knowingly restraining someone without consent. And “official oppression,” which makes it a crime for a public servant acting under color of law to subject another person to unlawful arrest or detention.

And it doesn’t stop at state law. There’s also federal civil rights law. Title 18, Section 242 of the U.S. Code makes it a crime for anyone acting under color of law to willfully deprive someone of their constitutional rights. Here, Burrows has deprived Collier of her liberty — and he’s done so because of her constitutionally protected political activity.

That’s the stuff of indictments, not just headlines.

To understand the brazenness here, it’s worth recalling how unusual “civil arrest” is in the first place.

Texas Republicans have reached for it before, most recently in 2021, when Democrats fled the state to block a restrictive voting bill. Back then, the Texas Supreme Court blessed the House’s power to compel absent members back to the chamber — but only absent members.

The tactic goes back even further. In 2003, when Democrats bolted to New Mexico to derail Tom DeLay’s mid-decade gerrymander, Texas officials talked tough about dragging them back, but ultimately stopped short.

The power to force attendance has always been understood as a narrow, exceptional tool. Never before has it been twisted into an open-ended license to hold lawmakers in de facto custody when they’re sitting in the chamber doing their jobs.

That’s what makes this episode different. It’s not about quorum. It’s about domination.

Burrows may think he’s projecting strength, but Collier has turned his gambit into a PR disaster.

Her decision to camp out on the House floor has generated sympathetic coverage and viral images. It’s a classic David-versus-Goliath tableau: one legislator sleeping on institutional chairs, up against the machinery of power.

And the public seems to get it. Democrats already scored a public-relations victory when they fled the state earlier this summer, leaving Republicans sputtering and powerless. Now, with Collier cast as an almost cartoonishly over-policed lawmaker, they’ve done it again.

Burrows, meanwhile, comes off as the Keystone Cop of legislative strong-arming. Instead of projecting authority, he looks petty, vindictive, and — worst of all — lawless.

Any recourse for Burrows’s lawlessness depends, of course, on whether Texas courts are willing to enforce the law as written. And whether Texas prosecutors are willing to hold Republican leaders accountable. With Governor Greg Abbott and Attorney General Ken Paxton at the helm, there’s little reason for optimism. The capture of Texas institutions by partisan enforcers is well underway.

And don’t expect relief from Washington. Pam Bondi’s Department of Justice is not about to bring a civil rights case against Texas Republicans on behalf of Nicole Collier.

Which leaves us with the broader lesson: what we’re seeing in Austin is not just local thuggery, but a microcosm of the authoritarian instinct that has infected American politics under Trump. It’s the idea that authority exists to dominate the opposition, and that the law means whatever the leader says it means.

In this sense, Collier’s stand isn’t just about Texas. It’s about the survival of the basic principle that no one, not even a legislative leader, gets to detain their political opponents at will.

Dustin Burrows thought he was flexing muscle. Instead, he’s exposed himself to civil liability, criminal prosecution, and national ridicule.

Collier has the law on her side, the courts in her corner, and the images of her “detention” circulating widely. Burrows has…a pledge form and a police escort fantasy.

If this is what passes for strength in Texas Republican leadership, it’s no wonder they’ve been reduced to cartoonish displays of power.

And if you want to see how authoritarianism takes root in America, you don’t have to look to Moscow or Budapest. Just look to Austin, where one lawmaker is being held against her will by colleagues who think power is its own justification.

Dustin Burrows, call your lawyer.

Harry Litman is a former United States Attorney and the executive producer and host of the Talking Feds podcast. He has taught law at UCLA, Berkeley, and Georgetown and served as a deputy assistant attorney general in the Clinton Administration. Please consider subscribing to Talking Feds on Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Substack.

Texas Abortion Law Would Have Forced Me To Watch My Baby Die

Texas Abortion Law Would Have Forced Me To Watch My Baby Die

Eighth-generation Texan Megan Bond recounted the stories of her dangerous pregnancies to COURIER Texas writer Bonnie Fuller. Here’s what happened, in her own words:

I feel bad for anyone who was in the medical office at the time I and my husband learned that our second desperately wanted baby was suffering from the same fatal fetal anomaly, bilateral renal agenesis, as our first baby.

This wasn’t supposed to happen. We had been told that there was only a one percent chance that we could have a second baby with bilateral renal agenesis, a condition in which your baby develops with no kidneys and no lungs so it will suffocate just after birth.

I was 15 weeks pregnant and had just had my anatomy scan. As my husband, Kevin, and I watched the technician, we could see for ourselves on the ultrasound screen that our baby boy, Teddy, had no amniotic fluid around him inside my womb.

We knew that meant that he had no kidneys, like our first baby, Keith, who we had made the very difficult decision to abort, because he was going to die right after birth.

We had learned through this first heartbreaking experience that kidneys are necessary to produce a fetus’s amniotic fluid. Without amniotic fluid, it’s impossible for a baby’s lungs to develop.

Even though we had now seen that Teddy’s little body was not surrounded by amniotic fluid, we were hoping against hope that we were wrong, as we waited in utter silence for the maternal fetal medicine specialist to come in and see us.

Every second waiting was agony.

Then she came in and confirmed the worst possible news—our second precious baby wouldn’t survive.

Time just stood still. My scream was irrepressible. Emotions just took over.

My husband and I hadn’t even told our parents that I was pregnant. But now we couldn’t put it off. We had to call and tell them the news immediately—both that I was pregnant, and that I was losing this new much longed-for baby.

I had first met Kevin when I was 30. We were married in October of 2022 and by the fall of 2023, after trying to conceive, we learned that we would have to go through IVF (in vitro fertilization) in order to have a family.

Happily, we were able to make seven embryos and when we transferred our first embryo it took, which was fantastic.

We found out that we were going to have a little boy as our first child, and I knew that I wanted to name him Keith after my paternal grandfather.

That was one of the best moments of my life—when I told my dad and he cried, knowing that his dad’s name was going to live on.

We got the happy news about my pregnancy two days before Christmas, so we were able to tell everybody during our Christmas celebrations that we were pregnant. Can you imagine a better gift than telling your parents that they would be grandparents?

And oh my gosh, everybody cried.

Not surprisingly, when we were at our first anatomy scan at 17 weeks, Kevin and I were very excited. We were watching our baby move around and we were looking at his heartbeat. We didn’t know that anything was wrong until our maternal fetal medicine specialist came in and told us.

She explained that our son had no kidneys, which meant that there was no amniotic fluid around him, and with no amniotic fluid his lungs couldn’t develop.

This meant that he would be crushed in utero without the amniotic fluid, and then if he did survive until birth he would suffocate because his lungs wouldn’t work, and it would be incredibly painful for him.

I knew immediately that the decision I would make was to terminate the pregnancy with an abortion. I could take on my baby’s pain so he wouldn’t have to do it.

Later, we talked to other doctors about our son’s condition but every one of them said the same thing: No baby with this diagnosis had ever survived.

Learning about our options

Before this happened to us, I was only vaguely aware of the abortion laws in Texas. I just knew that the law was terrible and that you couldn’t get an abortion in Texas.

What happened after the maternal fetal medicine specialist told us about the fatal diagnosis for Keith is all kind of a blur.

I do know that I immediately asked: “What can we do about this?” And her answer was, “Nothing.”

I also asked if, in our case with this diagnosis, I could end the pregnancy in Texas and she said, “No, in Texas your only option is to carry to term.”

Then I asked if it was legal somewhere else. I could tell that she was very hesitant to respond, but she did say yes.

I realize that she stopped talking because she was afraid and I don’t blame her. I don’t hold any grudges because there is so much at stake for doctors.

My husband and I were in complete shock after we found this out. We had had a healthy pregnancy. I had counted down the weeks of the first trimester knowing that’s when most of the miscarriages happen.

The invitations to a baby shower that my best friend was going to hold had already gone out two days before. We actually received it in the mail two days after we got the deadly diagnosis for Keith.

When Kevin and I got to the parking lot after the anatomy scan, we just bawled in each other’s arms.

Then we told our parents. I don’t know how Kevin drove home.

I was not mentally able to do the research to figure out what to do. Luckily, my dad’s a retired physician so he knew what to look for. He found us a clinic in Denver that could get us in before I reached their 20-week cutoff.

My parents, despite learning that their only grandbaby wasn’t going to survive, were there to support us, find us all comfortable places to stay, and come with us to the clinic.

We really were lucky despite the terrible situation, because we had full support from both sides of our family. No one was questioning our decision. No one was making us feel guilty, which is not the situation for a lot of women.

At the clinic in Denver…and after

The staff at the clinic were all so kind and knowledgeable. They said all the right things.

It was a two-day procedure and they let my husband be there as much as possible, including during the termination procedure, which I’m sure was incredibly difficult for him.

At first it was too overwhelming for Kevin and me to think about trying to get pregnant again. But about three months later, we decided to try with another of the embryos we had made during our IVF treatment.

We were told by all the doctors that we consulted that having another baby with bilateral renal agenesis would be like having lightning strike twice.

We had six embryos left, and our IVF doctors told us they were excited for us to try again. That we were going to be parents.

I got pregnant right away again, but we were so nervous we didn’t tell our parents this time. After what we had just been through with Keith and the abortion, we were really robbed of the joy of pregnancy. The joy of being optimistic.

We couldn’t plan a nursery. The first time I got pregnant, my husband went out and bought a ton of maternity clothes for me because he was so excited. But this time, neither of us did anything to prepare.

After we got the devastating news that I was losing a second baby to the same fatal fetal anomaly, we decided that we had to get the best genetic expert counseling that we could.

My IVF doctor recommended that we consult with Dr. Mark Evans in New York City. We wanted to see him before undergoing the second abortion, so we could do an amniocentesis procedure and get full genome testing.

We were desperate to learn why this had happened to us twice, especially when it was such a rare condition and we had no history of kidney issues in our families.

He spent four hours with us and was so empathetic. He explained everything that he was doing and answered all our questions but all the tests he did turned up nothing that could have caused the bilateral renal agenesis in our babies.

Unfortunately, there is nothing we can look at or test for in future pregnancies to prevent it.

We had to fly from New York City back to Colorado for a second procedure, where my parents met us again to provide support. I don’t even remember how we got back to Texas—it’s such a blur.

‘I think Texas’s abortion bans are cruel’

I think Texas’s abortion bans are cruel. The decision to have an abortion should be between a mother, whoever she wants to consult, and her very qualified team of professionals who spend years studying.

I think people should have autonomy to make their own decisions.

I don’t think politicians, with no medical experience, should be making decisions about abortion. They aren’t even listening to what doctors are saying.

Essentially I believe in smaller government. But this is big government. This is government getting involved in people’s personal lives and making decisions for them.

One of the first reactions I had to the news that the Texas law would force me to carry a doomed baby to birth was: “How do I sue the state?” No one should have to leave their state to get medical care to terminate a pregnancy.

We were very fortunate. We found a good clinic to go to. We had flexible jobs so we could take time off. In fact, I’m the CEO of a small business. We also had parental support and we could afford to do all of this. It probably cost us $10,000.

But how many people have $10,000 sitting around?

I don’t want people who aren’t in our situation to have to carry a baby to term and not have a choice. We had the choice available to us to leave Texas, but very few people do.

My goal is to get Republican lawmakers who control the Texas legislature to add an exception to the abortion bans for lethal fetal anomalies. That’s not saying that fighting the laws should stop there, but I am wary about how much I and other advocates will be able to do in this state. But this is what I can do in my situation.

When I tell my story, people are convinced. They don’t believe that women should have to carry a baby that has a fatal fetal anomaly and will die right after birth, like Keith and Teddy would have.

They agree that an abortion under this circumstance should not be illegal. Even my most right wing friends or people that I talk to who are “pro life” think there should be an exception to the abortion law for fatal fetal anomalies.

I know it’s going to be very hard to get things to change in Texas. People aren’t educated on the issues and people just go and vote Red all the way down the line.

After Keith died I wrote to every single politician in the state whose email address I could find. I also wrote to the members of the state Supreme Court.

However, the only response I got was a form letter from one legislator telling me that they were “doing all we could to protect unborn children.”

My letters had fallen on deaf ears.

I’m an eighth-generation Texan. I love my state, but my state doesn’t love me.

But I will still keep educating people. And now I have people advocating for me. They know my story and whenever they hear someone saying that stories about women being forced to carry babies that will die right after birth are fake, they explain to them that they are wrong and that this happened to Megan.

Despite everything we have been through, my husband and I still want to have a family, so we want to try again.

It’s a heavy decision to make knowing what potential pain we’re putting ourselves into. We really hope to have a family some day in the future—but we are more fearful every day about the fact that it is getting more and more difficult to safely have a family.

Bonnie Fuller is the former CEO and editor-in-chief of HollywoodLife.com and former editor-in-chief of Glamour, Cosmopolitan, Marie Claire, and USWeekly.

Reprinted with permission from Courier Texas.

A Powerful Democratic Ally Steps Up To Fight Trump's Gerrymandering

A Powerful Democratic Ally Steps Up To Fight Trump's Gerrymandering

Former Attorney General Eric Holder, who leads the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, will join a call with House Democrats on Wednesday as the party plans a strategy to counter a wave of Republican-led redistricting efforts during mid-decade—an open attempt to secure the GOP’s narrow House majority before the 2026 midterms.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee is organizing the powwow, according to Punchbowl News.

Holder’s involvement is notable—it not only highlights how redistricting battles have dominated this summer’s political agenda but also suggests that Democrats are finally shifting to an offensive to push back against President Donald Trump’s efforts to draw rigged congressional maps in certain red states.

For years, Holder has supported nonpartisan reform, advocating for the establishment of independent commissions to take redistricting authority away from politicians. Now, however, with Republicans openly working to redraw congressional maps for maximum advantage, he and other Democrats are shelving reform talks and preparing for a fierce fight.

Thanks to Trump, GOP-controlled states are acting swiftly. Republicans are ready to push through new maps in Texas, Missouri, Ohio, and possibly Florida, with the Trump administration also urging Indiana to join in. Not every state with redistricting authority is willing, but pressure from Trump’s camp is evident.

Texas is the focal point. Statehouse Democrats are in their second week of hiding out across state lines to deny Republicans the quorum needed to pass their gerrymandered map. Trump has claimed he’s “entitled” to five more Texas seats, while Gov. Greg Abbott has suggested carving out as many as eight if Democrats continue to break quorum. As of Monday, the Texas House still lacked a quorum, with enough Democrats out of state to block Republicans from passing their gerrymandered congressional map.

Texas GOP Sen. John Cornyn, on Thursday, claimed state law enforcement is working with federal agents to locate the absent lawmakers. Abbott also threatened to keep calling special sessions until Republicans get their gerrymandered map—or something close. The reality is Abbott might lack the legal tools to force Democrats back to Austin, but the standoff has become a political rallying point for both sides.

Democrats, who have traditionally pushed for redistricting reform rather than partisan retaliation, argue that the Texas case is different.

“Authoritarian moves are being made ... and there has to be a response to that,” Holder warned on Sunday’s Meet the Press.

Maryland Rep. Jamie Raskin, the lead Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee, was more direct.

“I honestly don’t see any debate in the party over this,” he told Axios. “If [Republicans] are going to continue with the Texas chainsaw gerrymander, we have no choice but to fight fire with fire and use whatever legislative resources we have ... to fight back.”

He added, “Ultimately, we will fight fire with water. But nobody is on the side of unilateral disarmament ... we are not going to allow them to gerrymander us into oblivion.”

One of the Democrats’ strongest counterattacks could come from California, where they’d likely gain the most new seats. But doing so would require sidelining or eliminating the state’s independent redistricting commission—something party leaders have long resisted.

Holder’s background gives significance to the moment. As attorney general under President Obama from 2009 to 2015, he saw Republicans sweep state legislatures and leverage that power to redraw House districts in their favor. In 2017, he created the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, aiming to end partisan gerrymandering altogether. Now, with the stakes in 2026 clearer, Holder is signaling he’s willing to play by the rules Republicans have established—at least temporarily.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

Danziger Draws

Danziger Draws

Jeff Danziger lives in New York City and Vermont. He is a long time cartoonist for The Rutland Herald and is represented by Counterpoint Syndicate. He is a recipient of the Herblock Prize and the Thomas Nast (Landau) Prize. He served in the US Army in Vietnam and was awarded the Bronze Star and the Air Medal. He has published eleven books of cartoons, a novel and a memoir. Visit him at DanzigerCartoons.

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