Tag: trump administration
'No No No No!" Treasury Secretary Roasted For Denying Inflation Under Trump

'No No No No!" Treasury Secretary Roasted For Denying Inflation Under Trump

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent on Sunday refused to admit inflation has gone up for Americans after NBC Meet The Press host Kristen Welker confronted him with the numbers.

"Inflation has gone up,” Welker said Sunday. “It's at three percent now up from two percent in April when the tariffs were imposed.”

“No, no no no,” Bessent replied. “So, inflation hasn't gone up. The one thing we're not gonna do is do what the Biden administration did and tell the American people they don't know how they feel. They are traumatized."

Bessent’s remark sparked outrage from observers who noted President Donald Trump’s administration is doing the same thing it accused its predecessor of doing — telling consumers not to believe their own pocketbooks.

As policy analyst Evaristus Odinikaeze posted on X, “the inflation went from 2 percent to 3 percent, literally and no amount of ‘no, no, no’ changes basic math.”

“Telling Americans inflation hasn’t risen right after tariffs pushed prices higher is the same gaslighting they accused others of,” Odinikaeze continued. “You don’t fight economic anxiety by denying lived reality. You solve it. But instead, Trump’s making it worse and lying about it.”

Bulwark Deputy Digital Director Evan Rosenfeld likewise argued, “Trump and Republicans have learned nothing from how badly Joe Biden and the Democrats bungled inflation.”

“Instead they’re repeating some of the same mistakes,” Rosenfeld wrote on X.

Bessent also drew condemnation after offering advice for Americans feeling the pain from Trump’s economic policies.

"You know the best way to bring your inflation rate down? Move from a blue state to a red state. Blue state inflation is half a percent higher,” Bessent told Welker.

“Scott Bessent cannot stop staying really stupid things,” journalist John Harwood said of Bessent’s suggestion.

TreasyReprinted witih permission from Alternet


How Trump's Patent Office Appointees And Big Pharma Delay Low-Cost Drugs

How Trump's Patent Office Appointees And Big Pharma Delay Low-Cost Drugs

What’s the easiest and smartest thing a president could do right now to bring down drug prices? That’s easy. Allow quicker market entry for generic versions of biologics.

What’s the biggest thing the Trump administration has done in recent months to impact biologic prices? It made it far more difficult for biologic generics, better known as biosimilars, to enter the market.

How did that happen when the president is constantly using his Truth Social platform to brag about how much he’s doing to lower the price of drugs? He appointed leaders at the Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) who are imposing policies that will make it far more difficult for biosimilar manufacturers to challenge improperly granted patents.

They are already allowing Big Pharma companies to maintain their illegitimate patent portfolios, known as patent thickets, which they use to deny market entry to cheap, generic competitors. These delays can last for years — even decades — beyond the expiration of an initial patent.

Why is this such a big deal and such a big gift to Big Pharma? While biologics make up only two to five percent of prescriptions (estimates vary), they generated around half of the pharmaceutical industry’s $634 billion in revenue in 2024. When still on patent, the price of individual biologic treatments can reach as high as several hundred thousand dollars per year. But when biosimilars enter the market, patients and their insurers save nearly 80 percent on average, according to a recent study in Health Affairs.

Before I get into the shenanigans at the PTO and how it will delay biosimilars, allow me to share some background for those not familiar with the complexities of the pharmaceutical industry and its biotechnology offspring, which was birthed by government-funded inventions that began in the mid-1970s.

Biologics are large organic molecules produced through genetic engineering that are usually delivered through injection or intravenous drips. Many of the greatest advances in drug therapy over the past half century have been through biologics.

The genomic revolution allowed scientists to replace proteins that patients’ bodies cannot produce because they have organ failure or genetic mutations. Genetic engineers also created monoclonal antibodies that target specific cancer mutations and the blood vessels that feed tumors. Vaccines are biologics. Scientists are now working on gene therapies that may permanently repair genetic birth defects.

Producers of biologics – like all drug makers – get patents on their inventions, a right guaranteed in the Constitution (thank you, James Madison) to promote innovation in “science and useful arts.” The idea was to create a limited period that incentivized creation of new inventions, but eventually ended so patent owners couldn’t use their patent monopoly to permanently levy exorbitant prices.

Patent terms have been changed repeatedly over the nation’s history. In 1994, Congress established a 20-year term for patents that began with the date of filing, an increase from the previous 17 years. In 2010 it added a 12-year guarantee of exclusivity to biologic manufacturers, whose products often remain in development for years after the initial patents are filed.

While that add-on was controversial, potential biosimilar manufacturers embraced the bill because it finally provided them with a pathway for entering the market. They also stood to benefit from the 2011 America Invents Act, which created a streamlined process at the PTO for challenging questionable patents. Instead of long and costly litigation in federal court, patent challenges would be heard by expert judges inside the PTO at a fraction of the cost. Appeals would be heard by an internal appeals board.

Information technology’s role

The impetus for the streamlined challenge process came from leading information technology firms (Google, Amazon, Facebook, etc.) who were being besieged by so-called patent trolls, who would buy or write patents they never intended to use that were similar to cutting edge info-tech technologies. The trolls, often backed by private equity investors, used those patents to file patent infringement lawsuits against well-heeled high-tech firms who had actually developed, patented, and used similar technologies. The goal: To extract huge settlements through patent purchases or licensing fees.

One major user of the new challenge process, called inter partes reviews (IPRs), turned out to be biosimilar manufacturers, who wanted a faster and cheaper way to challenge the patent thickets being erected by Big Pharma and biotech firms. Virtually every company that produces FDA-approved biologics and small molecule drugs (pills and capsules) files follow-on patents at the PTO. Any individual product may win a dozen or more, usually involving small changes in dosages, formulations or routes of administration.

“By creating large patent portfolios, companies can make it more difficult for competitors to enter the market by increasing transaction costs and/or delaying US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approval,” law professors Sean Tu of the University of Alabama and Ana Santos Rutschman of Villanova University wrote this month in JAMA Health Forum. “Patent thickets can also be leveraged to force competitors to settle litigation, thus delaying market entry, or to enter under unfavorable conditions (such as restricted volume entry).”

One study they cited showed 78 percent of all “new” drug patents are part of a post-approval patent thicket for an already approved drug. This tactic has slowed adoption of biosimilars to a crawl. Fifteen years after passage of the law creating a pathway for biosimilar market entry, there are still fewer than 50 on the market, despite there being over 600 FDA-approved biologics, according to the Association for Accessible Medicines, the trade group for biosimilar manufacturers.

The process sped up during the Biden administration as biosimilar manufacturers increasingly turned to the IPR process to challenge questionable patents. They were aided by the fact that the administrative process at the PTO takes only 12 months and costs about $725,000, according to another recent paper co-authored by Tu. Patent litigation in federal court, by contrast, costs on average over $6 million and takes years to resolve.

Biosimilar manufacturers started racking up an impressive IPR win rate at the PTO. Another recent study showed biosimilar manufacturers won 14 of 20 challenges that were holding up market entry for their products. They eventually won FDA approval and saved patients and their insurers tens of billions of dollars. Five are shown in the following chart.

(Note: The bottom scale (-4 to 4) represents the years before and after a biosimilar manufacturer won a patent invalidation case at the PTO. The solid lines represent five of the more expensive biologics that lost exclusivity over the past decade. In each case, the sharp drop in revenue due to lost sales to biosimilars didn’t show up until a year after the PTO ruled because the Big Pharma firm defending the patents had a year to appeal. The bottom dotted line shows how one representative biologic that didn’t face biosimilar competition more than doubled its revenue over a similar time period.)

Big changes at PTO

But the PTO reversed field this year. PTO acting director Coke Morgan Stewart, who had worked at PTO during the first Trump administration before joining O’Melveny & Myers, a major corporate law firm, began using a process she dubbed “discretionary denial” to block patent challenges. In 2024, the patent appeals board had approved nearly 75 percent of all patent challenges. By September of this year, the first under Trump, that rate had declined to 35 percent, according to another study by Tu, this time with Arti Rai of Duke University and Aaron Kesselheim of Harvard Medical School.

The scholars reviewed Stewart’s decisions and found she had created a novel rationale for dismissing patent challenges. She argued that after six years (about the average age for drug patents being challenged), the patent holder should expect they will no longer be administratively challenged. “Before 2025, the ‘settled expectations’ rationale never even existed,” Tu and his colleagues wrote. “It now accounts for a large percentage of denials and is even used when administrative review petitions raise reasonable technical grounds for invalidation.”

In September, the Senate approved John Squires to run the PTO, though he is not a registered patent attorney. He did chair the Emerging Companies and Intellectual Property practice at Dilworth Paxson LLP in Washington where he represented numerous AI, blockchain, crypto, and financial technology companies. He also made campaign contributions to both of Donald Trump’s victorious election campaigns and more recently to the Never Surrender PAC, which is one of the president’s vehicles for supporting GOP candidates in the 2026 mid-term elections.

One of Squires’ first acts after winning Senate approval was to centralize the IPR decision-making process in the director’s office, thus removing it from the experts who understood the technical issues. He also limited the length of briefs that petitioners could file. Then, in mid-October, Squires announced that “he would personally decide every IPR proceeding,” which cannot be reviewed judicially. He also declared he could issue “summary notices,” that may include little or no explanation for denials.

“By aggressively invoking discretionary denials, the USPTO is subverting an important administrative pathway that Congress specifically created to check weak patents,” Tu, Rai and Kesselheim wrote. Seven lawsuits have already been filed challenging the new policy. They call on Congress to “step in” and “explicitly prohibit denials based on non-merit-based criteria such as ‘settled expectations’.”

This Congress? Fat chance. Look for a dramatic slowdown in the pace of biosimilar adoption over the next few years and for a continuing sharp rise in consumer and payer spending on biologics, the most expensive drugs on the market.

Merrill Goozner, the former editor of Modern Healthcare, writes about health care and politics at GoozNews.substack.com, where this column first appeared. Please consider subscribing to support his work.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News

Trump Offers 'Nazi Streak' Ingrassia A Top Federal Position That Needs No Senate Vote

Trump Offers 'Nazi Streak' Ingrassia A Top Federal Position That Needs No Senate Vote

Guess who’s back? It’s Paul Ingrassia! With a new government gig!

That’s right! It’s everyone’s favorite far-right troll who was a fake lawyer for Andrew Tate who became a Trump nominee who lost his shot at running the Office of Special Counsel after his self-professed “Nazi streak” came to light. Hoo boy, remember that? Even having his mommy yell at Democrats for being mean to him somehow did not save that nomination.

But listen, as a creepy little racist baby, Ingrassia is entitled to a high-level job in this administration. It’s his birthright!

So what to do, what to do, if you are such a bad bet that even Trump knows that the Senate won’t confirm you? Yes, the same Senate that has confirmed totally coherent and sane and qualified luminaries like FBI Director Kash Patel and Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.

Given that this administration’s motto seems to be “no Nazis left behind,” we probably should have expected Ingrassia to turn back up. The administration just needed to find a position that Ingrassia was wholly unqualified for but that didn’t require Senate confirmation.

Voila! Ingrassia is your new deputy general counsel of the General Services Administration, America. Get hyped.

Politico broke the news, describing it as “Trump taps Ingrassia for new role after texting scandal.”

“Texting scandal” is a pretty polite term for saying actual things like “I do have a Nazi streak in me from time to time, I will admit it,” and “MLK Jr. was the 1960s George Floyd and his 'holiday' should be ended and tossed into the seventh circle of hell where it belongs.”

No doubt underneath all that racism he’s a swell guy.

Ingrassia is now essentially second-in-command to the chief legal officer of a sprawling government agency that handles procurement, real estate, construction, and other professional services and has about 12,000 employees. The General Counsel’s office advises and represents GSA officials, drafts legislation, and liaises with other federal agencies.

Sure, that’s a job that normally houses people with decades of legal experience, where Ingrassia finished law school in 2022 and only joined the bar in New York last year.

But have you considered that Ingrassia, per Wikipedia, has a “Substack page [that] has been cited by President Donald Trump on several occasions; in January 2024, Trump repeated Ingrassia's false claim that Nikki Haley was ineligible to serve as president.”

Can’t learn that valuable kind of stuff at law school or some stuffy law job where they mind if you’re a Nazi.

If you’ve been worried that Ingrassia was going hungry, down on his luck, and out of a job while waiting for this, worry no more. After the OSC nomination debacle, he just stayed right where he had been before getting the nod: White House liaison to the Department of Homeland Security.

Guys, he sent the sweetest goodbye to his colleagues!

It’s been the greatest honor to serve Secretary [Kristi] Noem and President Trump, alongside all of you. I genuinely feel this is the strongest group of political appointees anywhere in the federal government, which is a credit to not just this group’s work ethic, but above all, its character and integrity.

These must be definitions of “work ethic” and “character and integrity” that we were hitherto unaware of.

Ingrassia also let slip that Trump personally called him into the office to offer him the job. And why wouldn’t he? Ingrassia is exactly the kind of employee Trump values: vicious, underqualified, and wholly in thrall to Dear Leader.

Sorry in advance, GSA workers.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Did Feminism 'Fail' Women? Misogyny In The Trump Regime -- And The New York Times

Did Feminism 'Fail' Women? Misogyny In The Trump Regime -- And The New York Times

The 51st anniversary of the Equal Credit Act – the law that for the first time in history enabled women to be treated like adults and not minors, both financially and in the workplace – came and went last month with barely a whisper. Instead of acknowledging (much less celebrating) the anniversary of this seismic shift, New York Times opinion columnist Ross Douthat took to the airwaves with a radically different message.

At first his podcast was titled “Did Women Ruin the Workplace?” but that was quickly changed to something presumed to be slightly less enraging to female readers: “Did Liberal Feminism Ruin the Workplace?” Nevertheless, my Instagram feed has been exploding with videos and memes by irate women for over a week. If you haven’t listened to Douthat’s discussion with conservative writers Helen Andrews and Leah Libresco Sargeant, you can find everything you need to know in his opening statement: “Men and women are different… Should the right be trying to roll back the entire feminist era? Or is there a form of conservative feminism that corrects liberalism’s mistakes?”

This latest broadside against feminism is actually a gift, because it lays bare the misogyny in the current backlash. Helen Andrews’ polemic was published in Compact, a small conservative on-line magazine. In a gigantic leap backward to the zeitgeist of the 1950s, “The Great Feminization” makes the case that women have damaged workplace culture because of their feminine personality traits, like back-biting, gossiping, and over emoting. She relitigates the excesses of #MeToo (did Aziz Ansari deserve to be canceled because of a bad date?) and identifies women’s recent ascendency in some white-collar professions as the principal cause of the horrors of “wokism.”

Andrews claims that the “tipping point” of this malign feminization began when law schools became majority female in 2016, followed by medical schools in 2019. She dangles statistics that 80 percent of veterinary students and 75 percent of psychology PhD students are women -- not as a sign of women’s success, but as a threat to civilization. Even the staff of the New York Times, Andrews warns, became majority female in 2023. A slippery slope to a bitch-fest is the only possible next step.

Douthat and his guests seem to be completely oblivious of the fact that women’s rights – and even women’s lives – have been under direct assault since the dawn of Trump’s second presidency. Their intellectual framing of the search for causes of male frustration or discomfort in today’s workplace blithely "dick-washes" any and every glaring insult to the integrity of women’s hard-earned advancement.

Instead of the Trump administration’s war on women, Douthat argues that “liberal feminism” is a bigger threat, a notion he sums up with an offensively ignorant question: “What is wrong with existing feminism — liberal feminism — and how has it failed women?”

How has feminism in November 2025 failed women? Really, Ross? What rock have you been living under? Douthat never identifies these phantom feminists who are ruining women’s lives and emasculating the workplace. Clearly, he is a victim of historical amnesia. At 45, Douthat may be too young to realize that just 50 years ago, the only jobs available to women outside of the home were domestic work, secretary, teacher, nurse, or stewardess (with the latter fired at age 32 or if they got married).

Just one generation ago, the white male establishment presumed that women were intellectually inferior, physically weak, and in need of protection by the patriarchy. Before the 1974 Equal Credit Act, women could not get a credit card or a mortgage without the consent of a father or husband. Before 1970, women were less than four percent of all lawyers, seven percent of doctors, and one percent of engineers and scientists. Ninety-four percent of all gynecologists were male. Women earned only one third of all college degrees, and one in 10 Ph.D.’s. There were almost no tenured female college professors, and only nine percent of college varsity athletes were women. Women weren’t allowed to run the Boston Marathon until 1973, because male doctors thought their uteruses would collapse.

Prescription birth control wasn’t legal nationally until 1972, and before Roe v. Wade legalized abortion in 1973, at least 1,000 women died every year from botched back-alley abortions. At the New York Times, women were almost exclusively assigned to write for the fashion and the society pages. It wasn’t until after winning a class-action sex discrimination lawsuit that the first woman was allowed to become a copy editor. That was just 50 years ago, in 1975.

The second wave feminist movement (the first wave fought for suffrage 50 years earlier), destroyed the deeply entrenched misogynistic barriers that denied women dignity, independence, and power for thousands of years. Incredibly, these are the hard-earned victories that Douthat and Andrews are now arguing have “failed women.” They have found eager allies in the Trump administration.

Within hours of taking the oath of office last January 20, Donald Trump and his henchman Elon Musk immediately began to eviscerate laws, departments, and funding that promoted and protected women’s rights. It is safe to say that we are witnessing the biggest anti-feminist backlash since the start of the second wave feminist movement in the 1960s and ‘70s. Following Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s Christian nationalist playbook, the Trump administration has drastically cut funding for women’s health care, reproductive care, and medical research. It has eliminated women’s civil rights protections in education and employment, cut Medicaid, SNAP, and childcare funding.

Trump, a sex offender himself, has hired sex offenders, and pardoned others, while firing dozens of leading women career civil servants and many thousands of rank-and-file women in the federal work force.

The tidal wave of this administration’s anti-woman policies has swept through every government agency. Let’s just look at one aspect of its policy backlash: reproductive health. On day four of his presidency, Trump pardoned 23 convicted criminals (many of whom were in jail) who violently threatened and harassed patients and doctors at abortion clinics. He then froze federal funding for contraceptive care (Title X), which will shutter many Planned Parenthood clinics, and fired the entire staff of the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Population Affairs, eliminating their $300 million budget. And that’s just the beginning when it comes to the attack on women’s health.

Meanwhile, thanks to Trump’s hand-picked Supreme Court majority, forty-nine years of women’s constitutional right to abortion had already disappeared with the Dobbs decision in June 2022. Today, 41-percent of American women of childbearing age (15 to 45) live in states with abortion bans. Just like racial segregation before the 1960s, Jane Crow is now the law of the land in 16 states in the American South, Midwest, and West.

The problem in those states isn’t just access to abortion care; the ban has an impact on every aspect of reproductive care. If a woman has a miscarriage in one of the 16 ban states, she is unlikely to get the medical attention she needs and could bleed out, get sepsis, become infertile, or even die. We already know of two women who have died in Georgia and three in Texas because their miscarriages weren’t treated.

These states are also becoming reproductive health care deserts. Idaho has lost 20 percent of its obstetrician/gynecologists and there is only one high-risk pregnancy specialist in the entire state. Pregnant women in Idaho now routinely purchase special insurance in case they have to be medevacked out of the state for a medical emergency. Applications to medical residency programs at University of Texas, Vanderbilt, Emory, and Washington University are down 20 percent. Those future doctors must be asking themselves, why risk criminal prosecution?

But Douthat and his podcast guests still insist that feminism is a greater danger to women than Trump. Andrews waxes on about how “wokeness” is “shutting down conversations, intruding politics into spheres that had previously been neutral — importantly neutral.” Bafflingly, she adds, “Pillars of civilization — neutrality, things like the rule of law — were suddenly subject to politicization in a way that was really, really harmful.”

She is saying this with a straight face, and yet she neglects to mention that freedom of speech is under threat in America today. Universities are losing billions of dollars in research funding if they don’t comply with draconian demands by the administration to control their curriculum, student admissions policies, and faculty hiring practices. The Trump administration is “shutting down conversations,” and “intruding politics into spheres” when it comes to science by terminating more than $7 billion in federal research grants to over 600 colleges and Universities. Any kind of research bearing a hint of “diversity, equity, or inclusion” has been summarily cancelled. As for freedom of speech, scores of foreign students have been deported for expressing their political beliefs and thousands of books have been banned, if only for the crime of being written by or about women, LGBTQ, or Black people.

This is our new and truly virulent cancel culture, Ross. Let’s not blame it on “the feminists.”

Clara Bingham is the author most recently of The Movement: How Women’s Liberation Transformed America1963-1973.

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