Tag: trump lawyers
Emil Bove

The Wrong Man: Naming Trump Lawyer To Bench Affronts The Rule Of Law

The most consequential court of appeals nomination in years comes before the Senate Judiciary Committee today.

Emil Bove, nominated for the Third Circuit, has shown himself a willing henchman for Donald Trump, even when that means betraying the Department of Justice’s most sacred charge: to do justice without fear or favor. If he is confirmed, it would reward his transgressions — and advance Trump’s project of populating the federal courts with judges who put loyalty to him above the dictates of the rule of law.

Bove first emerged in the public eye as Trump’s personal lawyer in the New York criminal case. After Trump’s inauguration, he vaulted into DOJ leadership, handpicked to serve as principal aide to Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche — one of only a handful of Trump loyalists embedded at senior levels.

Early in his tenure, Bove directed DOJ prosecutors in the Southern District of New York to dismiss charges against Mayor Eric Adams — not because the evidence was lacking, but because the administration wanted Adams pliable. Bove’s own letter conceded the case against Adams was solid. The dismissal was purely political: let Adams off the hook in exchange for cooperation on immigration and other Trump priorities.

This wasn’t just unethical. It was incompatible with DOJ’s core function. A prosecutor may not bring charges lacking legal and factual basis. But where charges are lawfully supported, dismissing them for political reasons constitutes a direct assault on the rule of law.

The fallout inside DOJ was immediate and cataclysmic. Seven senior prosecutors resigned, including the acting U.S. Attorney in Manhattan and the lead prosecutor on the Adams case. Resignations followed across DOJ’s vaunted Public Integrity Unit — long its crown jewel. In a display of breathtaking bullying, Bove assembled the remaining prosecutors, demanded that one sign dismissal orders, and threatened to fire them all if anyone refused. It was an act of raw intimidation, shattering the norms that had governed DOJ for decades.

The federal court ultimately dismissed the case — but with prejudice, blocking any future prosecution. The judge openly criticized what appeared to be a political quid pro quo: dismissal in exchange for Adams’s cooperation on Trump’s immigration agenda.

Bove’s conduct reflected not just an abuse of authority, but a dangerous perversion of DOJ’s mission. He didn’t see the Constitution or even the office of the presidency as his client; rather, and notwithstanding his oath of office, he made Trump’s personal interests paramount.

That alone would be disqualifying conduct. But the case against Bove became more damning with the release of a whistleblower complaint this week from longtime DOJ career attorney Erez Reuveni — a 15-year veteran who had previously been commended for his service under Trump.

Reuveni’s 27-page complaint details serial misconduct by Bove. Among the most chilling episodes: a March 14, 2025, meeting — the eve of a showdown with Judge Jeb Boasberg — in which DOJ leaders discussed the administration’s plan to send undocumented migrants to a high-security prison in El Salvador. The meeting acknowledged that a court injunction was likely. According to Reuveni, Bove floated the option of simply defying any judicial order. “We would need to consider telling the courts ‘fuck you’ and ignore any order,” Bove said. He emphasized that the planes “needed to take off no matter what.”

Soon after, Reuveni himself became a casualty. In court, representing DOJ in the Abrego Garcia case, he told the judge — consistent with his duty of candor — that the removal had been a mistake. Other DOJ officials, including Trump’s Solicitor General, John Sauer, ultimately admitted the same. For his honesty, Reuveni was placed on leave and fired days later. The White House Deputy Chief of Staff dismissed him as a “saboteur, a Democrat.”

Reuveni’s complaint describes a DOJ culture turned upside down: a once-independent institution repurposed as a Trump law firm. The others present at Bove’s meeting, Reuveni writes, were “stunned,” reacting with “awkward nervous glances.” Speaking from personal experience: had the Principal Associate Deputy Attorney General — Merrick Garland, when I last served — ever dared suggest such outright defiance of court authority, stunned silence would have been the mildest of reactions.

This is the DOJ that Bove helped build — a through-the-looking-glass agency where career prosecutors are bullied, the law is weaponized, and loyalty to Trump eclipses any loyalty to the Constitution.

Now, Bove seeks his reward: a lifetime seat on the federal bench. And the Judiciary Committee must decide whether to bless that reward — whether to confer on him the lifetime power to sit in judgment, despite his demonstrated contempt for the rule of law. And should he be confirmed, Bove will immediately be on the short list for Trump’s next Supreme Court appointment.

Predictably, Republicans have already begun their familiar playbook: discredit the whistleblower. Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche has labeled Reuveni “a disgruntled former employee.” But much of Reuveni’s account is already corroborated in the public record. More than that, Reuveni has receipts: contemporaneous emails, documents, and witness accounts.

Republicans now face a binary choice. They can ignore the allegations altogether — or defend Bove’s suitability for the bench despite his record of contempt for judicial authority, ethical norms, prosecutorial integrity, and the firewall that must separate politics from justice.

And beyond Bove’s personal misconduct looms something larger: a deliberate scheme by the Trump administration to bulldoze the constitutional separation of powers through lawless executive orders and calculated defiance of the courts. Bove was a loyal foot soldier in that campaign. Confirming him would not merely reward one man — it would reward the entire project. It would be as if John Mitchell, instead of going to prison after Watergate, had been elevated to the federal bench.

Like Pam Bondi, Aileen Cannon, J.D. Vance, and others, Bove made his bet: serve Trump’s corrupt and lawless interests for the hope of lifetime professional rewards. That’s not a bet that a healthy democracy should reward.

Harry Litman is a former United States Attorney and the executive producer and host of the Talking Feds podcast. He has taught law at UCLA, Berkeley, and Georgetown and served as a deputy assistant attorney general in the Clinton Administration. Please consider subscribing to Talking Feds on Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Substack.

Kenneth Chesebro

Trump Lawyer Used Secret Twitter Account In GOP Coup Plot

Kenneth Chesebro, one of the architects of Donald Trump’s fake elector plot, had a secret Twitter account he hid from investigators in Michigan that he used to promote some of his extremist theories. In October Chesebro pleaded guilty to a felony in Georgia’s RICO case against Donald Trump and 18 others.

Using the handle “BadgerPundit,” Chesebro hid “dozens of damning posts that undercut his statements to investigators about his role in the election subversion scheme, a CNN KFile investigation has found,” CNN reported. “The Twitter posts reveal that even before the 2020 election, and then just two days after polls closed, Chesebro promoted a far more aggressive election subversion strategy than he later let on in his Michigan interview.”

When confronted with evidence the account belonged to Chesebro, his attorneys admitted it belonged to their client, while minimizing the damning posts as a “random stream of consciousness” where he was just “spitballing” and “being a goof.”

But, in one instance, when accused of promoting an article likened to the “death of democracy,” Chesebro on his secret social media account replied, “it’s called politics, dude,” CNN’s KFile team reports.

“When he was doing volunteer work for the campaign, he was very specific and hunkered-down into being the lawyer that he is, and gave specific kinds of legal advice based on things that he thought were legitimate legal challenges, versus BadgerPundit, who is this other guy over there, just being a goof,” said Robert Langford, an attorney for Chesebro.

But CNN reveals that on his BadgerPundit Twitter account, Chesebro said, “You don’t get the big picture. Trump doesn’t have to get courts to declare him the winner of the vote. He just needs to convince Republican legislatures that the election was systematically rigged, but it’s impossible to run it again, so they should appoint electors instead.” That was posted to Twitter, now X, on November 7, 2020, “the day multiple media outlets, including CNN, called the election for Joe Biden.”

CNN reports that contrary to his secret social media claim, “in his interview with Michigan investigators, Chesebro said the very opposite, claiming that the entire electors plan was contingent on the courts.”

“I saw no scenario where Pence could count any vote for any state because there hadn’t been a court or a legislature in any state backing any of the alternate electors,” Chesebro said.

In another twist, CNN reports, “In an email to Trump attorneys in early December 2020, Chesebro linked to a Google Drive account for the email address TheBadger14@Gmail.com, which was once used by BadgerPundit in a tweet as his contact information. Chesebro also cited the BadgerPundit account in emails to a Trump campaign official and attorney John Eastman on January 5, 2021, pointing to tweets from BadgerPundit arguing that Pence had the authority to pick the electors on January 6.”

Chesebro’s BadgerPundit account on X still exists, but has been “protected” so only those he has granted access to can read his posts. ”

TheBadger14 is also identified by Chesebro in his bio on X as a blog. NCRM found that site has been active since at least 2011, but posts from the past few years are also hidden from public view. Its “About” page suggests it is a venue for Chesebro to discuss “mocking, through exaggeration for comic effect, relatively routine instances of progressives behaving badly.”

Read the entire CNN article here.

Reprinted with permission from Alternet.

Facing Fresh Contempt Citation, Trump's Lawyers Need Still More Lawyers

Facing Fresh Contempt Citation, Trump's Lawyers Need Still More Lawyers

This is my umpteenth-plus column about Donald Trump flipping off the rule of law. and the American way To support this coverage of his misdeeds, please consider becoming a paid Substack subscriber.

Remember Christina Bobb? She is number four of Trump’s lawyers, or maybe she was number five? I guess she could have been the sixth lawyer -- who had to go online, that is, and google “lawyers who are willing to represent other lawyers who work for or have worked for Donald Trump” so she could somehow come up with a lawyer of her own to start the long process of building a defense for why she signed a document on June 3 of this year attesting that all of the classified documents Trump had taken with him to Mar-a-Lago from the White House had been returned previously or were being handed over to a representative of the Department of Justice that day.

Poor thing. A former host on the former far-right OAN network, and by now well on her way to becoming a former lawyer of Donald Trump as well, Bobb signed the declaration because another of Trump’s lawyers, Boris Epshteyn had called her the night before and asked her to show up at Mar-a-Lago along with yet another Trump lawyer, one Evan Corcoran, to meet with the lawyers for the DOJ who were there to pick up documents that were responsive to a subpoena the DOJ had served on Trump a week or so before. Bobb would later tell the FBI that she didn’t know Evan Corcoran, had never met him, and in fact was working for Trump as an adviser to Trump’s super PAC…one of them, anyway...and not on the documents case.

So, let’s review: We’ve got Donald Trump, the man who stole the documents, all 22,000 of them it would turn out, who is also owner of Mar-a-Lago where all the documents stolen from the White House were kept. We’ve got the disgusting election denier Boris Epshteyn.. And we’ve got Evan Corcoran, who was actually representing Trump in the matter of the stolen documents. We’ll call Corcoran the third man, the one designated by men numbers one and two, to turn to Bobb, who had nothing whatsoever to do with the stolen documents, and hand her a piece of paper saying that she had suddenly been appointed “custodian of records” for the Trump office, and tell her to sign it.

Bobb – we’ll call her the first woman – demanded to read the document, which as it turned out, certified that a diligent search had been done of the boxes “moved from the White House to Mar-a-Lago,” and that all the documents called for in the DOJ subpoena had been turned over. Bobb, as first woman, apparently smelled something fishy, and right then and there demanded that a disclaimer be added to the official statement saying that the certification was based on information that had been given to her by others, the others being men numbers one, two, and three.

That’s a lot of lawyers who find themselves in legal jeopardy because the Washington Post is reporting that the same DOJ that issued the subpoena for the classified documents at Mar a Lago, the same DOJ that would later in August conduct a search of the resort/hotel/residence owned by Donald Trump, the same DOJ that would discover no less than 103 additional folders of classified documents that were not among those covered by the certification signed by Bobb, witnessed by Corcoran, overseen by Epshteyn, and ultimately ordered by Donald Trump – yes, that the by-now-familiar DOJ has asked a federal judge in Washington D.C. to hold the Trump office in contempt of court for failing to comply in a timely and accurate fashion to that good old subpoena that was issued to Trump way back in May of this year.

FINALLY, you may be saying to yourself. And I would agree. Trump was asked by the National Archives for the documents he stole from the White House way back in 2021, and he stalled. He stalled and stalled until the National Archives said they were turning things over to the DOJ, and then in January of this year, Trump returned more than 20 boxes of documents to the National Archives and told them that was it. That was all he had.

The DOJ had evidence that wasn’t, in fact, it, so they issued the May subpoena, they conducted the August FBI search of Mar-a-Lago, they recovered the 103 extra folders of very highly classified documents, some of which were discovered by the FBI inside a leather box in Trump’s own desk, and then this week, two more classified documents turned up when still more lawyers for Trump, who must now be joining the lengthening queue at the internet site “lawyers who are willing to represent other lawyers who work for or have worked for Donald Trump,” found them during a search of – get this – a storage facility in West Palm Beach, Florida where they reportedly were among coats of armor and other presidential memorabilia, you know, because as president you are given a lot of stuff like coats of armor and classified documents, and you have to find someplace to store them.

Well, don’t you?

Inquiring minds are asking, among many, many other questions, how is Donald Trump going to find anyone at all willing to represent him now that Special Counsel Jack Smith has taken over the Trump investigation and is handing out new subpoenas to new people, who will be trying to find lawyers to represent them, and petitioning courts for contempt citations, and going through all 22,000 documents that have been released to his office now that the whole "special master" scam has been shut down.

Maybe some enterprising young lawyer who just passed the bar down in Florida will rent an office in a mini-mall in West Palm Beach and hang out an enterprising shingle: “Law firm willing to represent other lawyers who work for or have worked for Donald Trump.”

Talk about a booming business. That young lawyer will be driving a Ferrari by New Year's.

Lucian K. Truscott IV, a graduate of West Point, has had a 50-year career as a journalist, novelist, and screenwriter. He has covered Watergate, the Stonewall riots, and wars in Lebanon, Iraq, and Afghanistan. He is also the author of five bestselling novels. You can subscribe to his daily columns at luciantruscott.substack.com and follow him on Twitter @LucianKTruscott and on Facebook at Lucian K. Truscott IV.

Please consider subscribing to Lucian Truscott Newsletter, from which this column is reprinted with permission.

Lin Wood, left, and Sidney Powell.

Michigan Judge Refers Trump’s 'Kraken' Lawyers For Disbarment

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

Federal Judge Linda Parker on Wednesday referred a group of pro-Trump attorneys, including Sidney Powell and Lin Wood, for potential suspension and disbarment for their misconduct in a lawsuit that sought to overturn Joe Biden's 2020 win in Michigan.

Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, along with other defendants in the original lawsuit, has asked the judge to consider sanctions after the pro-Trump lawyers had their claims of election fraud demolished.

In the new ruling, Parker issued a 110-page opinion condemning the team's "historic and profound abuse of the judicial process," finding that their behavior in the case warrants formal sanction by the courts. They will have to pay for Michigan and Detroit's legal costs and attend classes about the law relevant to the case, the judge ruled. And she will also be referring their cases to the authorities who issued the lawyers' licenses, which may take further punitive action against them.

Such harsh sanctions are rare in the legal world and highlight the extreme nature of the pro-Trump lawyers' conduct.

Parker was direct and unsparing in her condemnation of their actions.

"[T]he question before the Court is whether Plaintiffs' attorneys engaged in litigation practices that are abusive and, in turn, sanctionable. The short answer is yes," she wrote. "The attorneys who filed the instant lawsuit abused the well-established rules applicable to the litigation process by proffering claims not backed by law; proffering claims not backed by evidence (but instead, speculation, conjecture, and unwarranted suspicion); proffering factual allegations and claims without engaging in the required prefiling inquiry; and dragging out these proceedings even after they acknowledged that it was too late to attain the relief sought."

She continued:

And this case was never about fraud—it was about undermining the People's faith in our democracy and debasing the judicial process to do so.
While there are many arenas—including print, television, and social media—where protestations, conjecture, and speculation may be advanced, such expressions are neither permitted nor welcomed in a court of law. And while we as a country pride ourselves on the freedoms embodied within the First Amendment, it is well-established that an attorney's freedom of speech is circumscribed upon "entering" the courtroom.

The lawyers "scorned their oath, flouted the rules, and attempted to undermine the integrity of the judiciary along the way," she said.

Essentially, she argued that Powell, Wood, and the others used the case in Michigan to propagate the notion that Trump had been the true winner of the 2020 election, even though they had no reasonable case to bring. Their aim wasn't, she concluded, to make good faith arguments about the facts and the law in hope of being vindicated in a court of law. Instead, they were using the courts as a platform for propaganda without regard for the merits of their legal arguments. In short, it was a flagrant abuse of the system.

She even drew a connection between the lawyers' misconduct and the January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol.

Much of the opinion details how the attorneys, such as Wood, have been blatantly dishonest with the court, and why their arguments were frivolous and illegitimate on numerous grounds. For example, they sought to have Whitmer barred from sending the results of Michigan's election to the Electoral College, even though she had already done so. They cited precedents for their arguments that had no relevance or made the opposite point to what they were trying to push. They made baseless claims that legal acts were against the law. At other points, they completely reversed themselves on crucial issues, such as key deadlines in the case, without explanation or justification.

"It is not lost upon the Court that the same claims and requested relief that Plaintiffs' attorneys presented here were disposed of, for many of the same reasons, in Michigan courts and by judges in several other 'battleground' jurisdictions where Plaintiffs' counsel sought to overturn the election results," Parker wrote. "The fact that no federal district court considering the issues at bar has found them worthy of moving forward supports the conclusion that Plaintiffs' claims are frivolous."

The extent of the blatant deception and arguments clearly made in bad faith can only lead to one conclusion.

Parker explained: "Once it appeared that their preferred political candidate's grasp on the presidency was slipping away, Plaintiffs' counsel helped mold the predetermined narrative about election fraud by lodging this federal lawsuit based on evidence that they actively refused to investigate or question with the requisite level of professional skepticism—and this refusal was to ensure that the evidence conformed with the predetermined narrative (a narrative that has had dangerous and violent consequences). Plaintiffs' counsel's politically motivated accusations, allegations, and gamesmanship may be protected by the First Amendment when posted on Twitter, shared on Telegram, or repeated on television. The nation's courts, however, are reserved for hearing legitimate causes of action."

In short, her conclusion was simple: "This lawsuit should never have been filed."

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