Tag: 2026 midterm elections
Hakeem Jeffries

Walk And Chew Gum? Democrats Must Prioritize Accountability And Affordability Both

The instinct to get even must be nearly overwhelming. After two years of getting pounded every day by the Trumpers, of fighting hard when you know you're going to lose every vote, of indignities large and small inflicted on the Democratic minority, the tables are suddenly turned. The minority becomes the majority. They take control — of everything. Setting the agenda. Issuing subpoenas. Confirming or not confirming. Twice as many lawyers and investigators. Imagine the investigations. "Lawyer up," everybody. By the end, corruption was showing up in polls as the most important issue. Of course Democrats will pursue it.

But hopefully, not to the exclusion of doing what they were handed the majority to do. They need to make doing the people's business — affordability, and health care, and the economy, and the war in Iran — even more important than pursuing corruption in the Trump administration.

Impeachment? Why? That was not on the table. It won't lower gas prices. President Vance? Stop right there. Impeachment is a long, drawn-out process that sucks the oxygen out of the room.

The Democrats have a mandate to take on the affordability agenda. They don't have a mandate to impeach President Donald Trump.

That leaves almost everything else on the domestic agenda open to a Democratic overhaul.

And Trump?

He thinks his veto is the answer, but that has its limits. A series of vetoes of popular programs only makes the case for a Democratic president in 2028. Let Trump say no to lower premiums and lower prescription drug prices.

The Democrats have a mandate to take on the affordability agenda. They don't have a mandate to impeach President Donald Trump.

That leaves almost everything else on the domestic agenda open to a Democratic overhaul.

And Trump?

He thinks his veto is the answer, but that has its limits. A series of vetoes of popular programs only makes the case for a Democratic president in 2028. Let Trump say no to lower premiums and lower prescription drug prices.

Democrats need a domestic agenda that he blocks at his peril. The country needs to see Democrats organizing themselves to achieve that agenda. There are all these amazing new faces to deliver the Democratic message. Give them center stage and a national audience.

The country is very clearly hungry for change. That is what everyone who moved to the Democratic side from somewhere else was voting for. Change is not measured by the number of Beltway scalps you collect but by your impact on the family budget.

Can the Democratic Congress make things better for average Americans? Can they show that they understand the problems people face and actually have solutions to address them? That's the challenge facing every Democrat in the new Congress.

And the war?

Donald Trump has no choice but to end it, one way or another. There is only so long you can pursue military action without popular support. In Trump's case, the accusation is even more pointed because he promised no forever wars. And what do you call this? Can he find a face-saving exit strategy that doesn't lead to more unflattering comparisons with Barack Obama? Not clear. How long can he sustain an endless war with a Democratic Congress? Even less clear.

Trump is not going to go gently into the night; he is still trying to win even though his hand has obviously been weakened. Will he blame the Democrats if he has no choice but to beat a hasty retreat to an Obama-like deal, if he can still get that?

On the eve of the elections, Congress was right down there with your local used car salesperson at about an 18 percent approval rating. Hard to get much lower. Great potential to do better.

If not now, when? The country has put its faith in Congress to save our democracy from a corrupt administration which has neglected the needs of the people. The Democrats need to take on that corruption, which they are clearly gearing up to do, but not at the expense of addressing the affordability agenda. They need to do two things at once, and they have big enough majorities and strong enough leaders to do so.


House Democratic leaders

To Restore Voter Confidence, Democrats Must Unite Behind Progressive Goals

The Democrats’ historic midterm landslide was a shattering rebuke to President Donald Trump and to the Congressional Republicans who embraced his cruelty.

Polls showed that Americans were angry about Trump’s corruption, money grabbing, tariffs, war in Iran, ties to Jeffrey Epstein, sexual abuses, and his misuse of ICE stormtroopers who detained, assaulted, and deported immigrants, terrorized cities, and killed at least nine people, while more than 50 have died in ICE custody since Trump’s second term began. Trump’s vanity projects, like adding his name to the Kennedy Center, erecting a Triumphal Arch, refurbishing the Reflecting Pool on the National Mall, and constructing a White House ballroom (after razing the East Wing) revealed that he was more interested in celebrating himself than addressing Americans’ economic hardships.

But the election outcome was not only an anti-Trump movement. “Affordability” is the catch-phrase used to signal that Americans are angry at corporate America’s greed and irresponsible practices, and the widening economic divide, that have made their lives much harder.

The victorious Democrats, progressives and centrists alike, ran on three core issues: “affordability” (the cost of health care, housing, food, and gas); the endless war in Iraq; and Trump’s corruption, self-enrichment, and special favors to his billionaire cronies.

Now voters want to know what Democrats are for, not just what and who they are against. Americans don't want to see battles between the different wings of the Democratic Party if it leads to stalemate and no major accomplishments.

“Democrats won this election by claiming we are on the side of working people, “ said Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), “and working people are counting on us to deliver.”

But there’s a big obstacle in their way named Donald Trump. For the next two years, he’ll still be president and have the power to veto any bills that the Democrats put on his desk.

Despite this, the Democrats now have several big advantages. They can hold hearings and subpoena witnesses. It would be foolish for the Democrats to attempt a third impeachment, but they can use their power to investigate Trump’s corruption, misuse of government funds, and the incompetence of his Cabinet. They can hold hearings so they can hear from Trump’s accomplices.

Wouldn’t America love to see Elon Musk on the witness stand? And if he, and other Trump cronies and Cabinet officials refuse to testify, let Congress send them to prison.

The Democrats can also probe how Trump, his sons, and Jared Kushner enriched themselves with investments from foreign billionaires and Pentagon contractors, and the use of Trump’s hotels and golf courses for official government business. They can look deeper into the Epstein scandal and Trump’s consistent violations of the rule of law, such as ignoring court rulings. The incoming chair of the House Judiciary Committee, Rep. Robert Garcia, the incoming chair of the House Oversight Committee, sounded a warning to Trump’s advisors and cronies that they should “lawyer up.” Rep. Jamie Raskin, the likely chair of the House Judiciary Committee warned Trump that the new Congress will utilize its authority over declaring war, approving government spending, and regulating federal buildings..

The Democrats can also invite the victims and survivors of Trump’s policies to put human faces on his cruelty and show why we need a different approach. They can ask to hear from top military officials who were fired because they didn’t fit Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s absurd standards. They can ask to hear from scientists formerly employed in key federal agencies (EPA, NIH, OSHA, and others) who were fired because Trump doesn’t believe in science or expertise, and whose absence puts Americans at risk. They can invite the families of people who died at the hands of ICE, who died after they lost their health insurance, who suffered due to the closing of rural hospitals and Veterans Administration clinics, working families who were evicted from their apartments and made homeless because Trump cut their housing vouchers.

The Democrats have other tactics at their disposal. They can use their power over the budget to stop Trump from renaming the Kennedy Center, expanding ICE personnel and detainment centers, continuing the war in Iran, and withholding military aid to Ukraine to please his pal Vladimir Putin. The Senate can refuse to approve any of Trump’s nominees for federal judgeships or any ambassadorships for campaign donors and family friends like Charles Kushner, the current ambassador to France and father of Jared Kushner.

What should Democrats pursue as Congressional priorities?

When it comes to legislation to ease Americans’ economic and health hardships, the Democrats, on their own, don’t have enough votes to override a Trump veto and aren’t likely to persuade more than handful of Republicans, if that many, to join them. So, what to do? Democrats need to give Americans a positive policy agenda if they want to maintain their electoral momentum in 2028.

In his second term, Trump hit the ground running, well-prepared with executive orders and legal maneuvers outlined in Project 2025, a detailed blueprint for destroying effective government, written by right-wing think tank experts, many of them with experience in government.

Between now and January, the Democrats should laser focus on developing a legislative package that can unify most Democrats and address Americans’ core concerns about the economy, corruption, and war. They should file their legislative package soon after taking office in January. They should hold hearings, not only in the Capital building but on the road in key swing areas around the county, especially where they put pressure on Republicans.

Polls already show that a majority of Americans embrace a liberal and progressive policy agenda. The Democrats should invest in fresh polling to figure out how to sell their package. (Democrats have a lousy track record of getting credit for their own accomplishments). After the hearings, they need to move the legislation quickly through committees and bring bills up for a floor vote. The Democratic House speaker and Senate majority leader can force a roll call vote. They can compel the Republicans in both chambers to vote for or against each popular proposal.

Can the Democrats get their act together to advance a unifying legislative package that is bold and progressive, not centrist and corporate? One by-product of the Democratic landslide is that there will be both more progressives and more centrists in the Democrats’ caucus. There remain differences among Democrats over how bold they should be. But most Democratic winners this year ran on platforms that included a focus on the outsized influence of the super-rich and big corporations.

The Democrats now have an overwhelming mandate. They have big majorities in both the House (likely 258 seats) and Senate (at least 54 and potentially 56 seats) to allow a few corporate or erratic Democrats to oppose or abstain. They don’t have to worry about Senators like Joe Manchin and Kirsten Sinema (who killed much of Biden’s bold legislation) and John Fetterman today).

The Democrats could pass a comprehensive package of reforms or roll out one each week next year and in 2028. Once the Democrats pass these bills (perhaps with a few Republican votes), put them on Trump’s desk and dare him to veto it. If he does, the Democrats should try to override his veto. They won’t have the votes, but it will provide another opportunity to force the Republicans in Congress to reveal what and who they stand for as they seek re-election in 2028. These bills would form the basis of the Democrats’ policy agenda for the 2028 elections, with the promise that a Democratic president would sign them into law.

  • •Restore the Child Tax Credit (which the Republicans refused to continue), which reduced child poverty by more than one-third.
  • •Restore the Republicans’ cuts to Medicaid and Obamacare
  • •Lower the Medicare eligibility age to 50, a stepping stone toward Medicare for All.
  • •Reduce the price of more prescription medications, expanding on what Biden accomplished.
  • •Adopt a $20 federal minimum wage, automatically adjusted for inflation. Congress has failed to increase the wage, now stuck at $7.25, since 2009, while prices have skyrocketed. (Even centrist Rahm Emanuel, a former Obama aide who has presidential ambitions, has embraced the $20 threshold.)
  • •Reduce or eliminate tuition at public universities and community colleges.
  • •Design a major jobs-creating “green” jobs program to put people to work at good wages – a downpayment on Green New Deal.
  • •Create a large-scale human services jobs program to train and employ more teachers and school counselors, day care workers, nurses, public health experts, and other helping professionals.
  • •Dramatically reduce the budget for ICE and adopt strict standards for the conduct of ICE agents, including limits on use of force and prohibiting agents from wearing masks.
  • •Use the savings from cutting the ICE budget to restore the scientific expertise in NIH, the CDC, EPA, OSHA, and other agencies that Trump gutted.
  • •End Trump's tariffs
  • •Adopt tough standards for the construction of data centers for AI companies. Polls show significant opposition to them by Republicans, Democrats, and independents like. According to a recent Pew Research Center poll, more than half of Americans (54 percent) now say data centers are mostly bad for the environment, up from 39 percent in January. Half say they are mostly bad for home energy costs, up from 38 percent. And 49 percent say they are mostly bad for people’s quality of life nearby, up from 30 percent. Just four percent of Americans think data centers have a mostly good impact in each of these areas.
  • •End the war in Iran and expand funding for the Veterans Administration
  • •Dramatically expand housing vouchers. Less than one-third of all households eligible for vouchers receive them because there isn’t enough federal funding. Increase funding so that, like SNAP (food stamps), all families who are eligible can get a voucher to help them pay rent.
  • •Expand funding to catalyze new housing construction, including permanently affordable social housing sponsored by nonprofit developers, unions, and religious groups.
  • •Eliminate the Social Security payroll tax cap, so that high-earning workers to pay the 6.2 percent FICA tax on all of their wage income rather than stopping once their earnings pass an annual limit (currently $184,500). Why should millionaires pay the same FICA tax as nurses, school teachers, and janitors?
  • •Restore U.S. AID to help people around the world suffering from malnutrition and disease.
  • •Pass the Protect the Right to Organize (PRO) Act, a reform of labor laws that will increase the proportion of unionized workers and help elect progressive candidates.
  • •Adopt voting rights legislation, including the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, that includes same-day and automatic voter registration, expanded early and mail-in voting, making Election Day a national holiday, and ending gerrymandering, voter intimidation, voter-roll purges, and polling place closures.
  • •Reduce the role of corporate money, including dark money, in elections. We don’t have to wait to overturn Citizens United. Federal laws can encourage states to rewrite corporate laws to stipulate that they don’t have the legal capacity to spend money on elections. Cities, counties, and states can adopt matching programs that amplify small donations. New laws can also require Super PACs and 501(c)(4) groups to disclose their ultimate donors.
  • •Strengthen anti-trust laws and enforcement to break up corporate conglomerates and restore competition (which will reduce prices).
  • •Adopt immigration reform that provides a path to citizenship for immigrants who are living in the U.S., including those whose work is crucial for key economic sectors, such as agriculture, construction, health care, and leisure and hospitality.
  • •Provide more funds to Ukraine to stop Putin’s imperial war.
  • •Pass a progressive wealth tax, like Elizabeth Warren’s Ultra-Millionaire Tax, starting with a two percent annual tax on every dollar of net worth between $50 million and $1 billion, rising to three percent to six percent total annual tax on a net worth above $1 billion, and exempting anyone with a household net worth before $50 million

What to expect from lame duck Trump

Democrats need to demonstrate that they hear the concerns of everyday Americans. To win the presidency in 2028, they need to unfold a popular program that moves the country in an entirely different direction from Trumpism. If they keep reminding voters that Trump and the Congressional Republicans refused to embrace a reform agenda, Americans will forgive them for not passing bills and reward them in 2028.

In his interview with the New York Times after the election, Trump sounded conciliatory, claiming that he wanted to work with Democrats to pass legislation. The Democrats should take Trump up on his offer. But that interview may be the calm before the storm. Trump is driven by ego, vindictiveness, racism, bullying, and lust for money and power. He typically can’t keep his cool or swallow his pride and agree to compromises. He is more likely to go ballistic and continue his efforts to destroy American democracy and use the White House as a subsidiary of his business activities.

It will be hard for Trump to call off the Department of Justice from going after the people on his personal enemies list. The fact that he promoted his hardcore extremist adviser Stephen Miller to replace Susan Wiles as chief of staff suggests that Trump isn’t in the mood for compromise.

Will Trump continue to encourage organized hate groups and MAGA cult members to take matters into their own violent hands? Will he continue to use ICE storm troopers to invade cities and arrest, detain and deport immigrants, triggering violence? Will he invoke the Insurrection Act of 1807 to send active-duty military troops and federalized National Guard units into American cities to restore domestic “law and order?” Will he continue to defy the courts?

Trump is now the lamest of ducks. Will Republicans in Congress and on the Supreme Court continue to bow to him, or has his ability to intimidate them been so eroded that they will act even slightly less sycophantic? In the midst of the Watergate scandal in 1974, top Republicans went to visit President Richard Nixon and told him that he had to resign or be impeached. It is a symbol of how far the Republicans have fallen that we can’t even imagine today’s GOP leaders doing that. But perhaps some will summon the courage to put nation over party.


Progressives have won the war of ideas

Meanwhile, progressives have won the war of ideas. Public opinion polls reveal that on most major issues, the vast majority of Americans embrace policies that challenge corporate greed and predatory practices, raise the standard of living for working families, support labor unions, raise taxes on the super-rich and big corporations, and improve social and public services. Most Americans, in other words, embrace some version of what other countries call social democracy.

At the same time, the vast majority of Americans do not identify themselves as democratic socialists, although their numbers are growing. A Gallup survey released September 23 found that 43% of Americans now view socialism positively, the highest level recorded since Gallup began measuring attitudes toward the economic system in 2010. Among Americans ages 18 to 34, socialism receives more favorable ratings than capitalism, 57 percent to 43 percent. Among political independents, favorable views of socialism increased from 37 percent in 2025 to 45 percent this year. Exit polls from last week’s election reveal that people who identify themselves as democratic socialists comprised 18 percent of all voters. (Self-identified MAGA supporters accounted for 24 percent of voters).

But Democratic Socialists of America-affiliated candidates cannot win elections only by relying on self-identified socialists. They need to appeal to a wider constituency and, once in office, embrace policies that make America a more humane and fair country. In the past few years, candidates with ties to DSA have won a growing number of electoral victories in blue and purple areas, from school boards to mayors of big cities, to Congress, and almost one governor’s race (in Wisconsin). DSA candidates won more races on November 3. As of January, over 300 DSA members will be serving in various public offices across the country.

Starting in January, there will be at least eight democratic socialists in the House (the most in history) as well as Bernie Sanders in the Senate. They include Rashida Tlaib and Donavan McKenney of Michigan, Melat Kiros from Colorado, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Darializa Avila Chevalier and Claire Valdez of New York, Chris Rabb of Pennsylvania, and Angela Gonzales-Torres of Los Angeles.

Several new members of Congress are not DSA members but will be close allies. These include Adam Hamawy, an Army veteran and medical doctor who won his race in New Jersey’s CD-12; Brad Lander of New York, a former DSA member, who was an effective Comptroller and City Council member in New York Manny Rutinel of Colorado, and William Lawrence in Michigan, both former DSAers.

They will join other progressive House and Senate members who may not call themselves democratic socialists or pay DSA dues, but who are aligned with DSA on most (but not all) issues. These include Greg Casar of Texas, Analilia Mejia and LaMonica McIver of New Jersey, Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Pramila Jayapal of Washington, Ro Khanna, Judy Chu, Mark Takano, Aisha Wahab, Robert Garcia, and Laura Friedman of California, Summer Lee of Pennsylvania, Mark Pocan of Wisconsin, Jamie Raskin of Maryland, Maxwell Frost of Florida, Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts, Delia Ramirez of Illinois, Becca Balint from Vermont, Everton Blair from Georgia, and Adelita Grijalva from Arizona,

Progressives in the incoming Senate will include Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Ed Markey of Massachusetts, Jeff Merkley and Ron Wyden of Oregon, Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, Lisa Blunt Rochester of Delaware, Chris Murphy of Connecticut, Ron Wyden, Mazie Hirono of Hawaii, Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin, Jon Ossoff, of Georgia, and newly-elected Sherrod Brown of Ohio, Troy Jackson of Maine, and Abdul El-Sayed of Michigan. (There are at least 100 Democrats in the Congressional Progressive Caucus, but these are the most left-leaning).

The new DSA-affiliated House members, and DSA's 120,000 members, need to learn from Ocasio-Cortez and Warren about working with people who don’t pass DSA’s ideological litmus tests, but are principled and pragmatic.

To consolidate or even expand their victories, Democrats and their allies need a permanent ground game, not just for elections but to build leadership and coalitions in-between election cycles. The media has barely acknowledged that the strong turnout for Sen. Jon Ossoff and Gov.-elect Keisha Lance Bottoms in Georgia is the byproduct of very intentional grassroots organizing over the past decade, particularly among African Americans, led by Stacy Abrams. Similarly, Scott Colom’s likely victory in Mississippi is due in large measure to grassroots groups in that state. Years of organizing work led by Rev. William Barber in North Carolina played a major role in Democrats flipping that state’s Senate and congressional delegation this year.

What’s needed now is a coalition of the labor movement, the civil rights and immigrant rights movements, the LBGTQ and women's movements, the environmental justice movement, the tenants rights and community organizing movement, civic groups like Indivisible, and DSA, who must work together to build an activist infrastructure that targets races and works on local issues to keep people "in motion" between election cycles. Liberal donors need to invest in this movement-building project over the long haul. The Movement Voter Project is a small version of what's needed. Liberals, progressives, and Democrats are understandably feeling high right now, but moving forward, they need a major investment in building the base that can win elections and give people a sense of their own power.

Peter Dreier is the E.P. Clapp Distinguished Professor of Politics at Occidental College. He is the author of six books, most recently Baseball Rebels: The Players, People, and Social Movements That Shook Up the Game and Changed America (University of Nebraska Press, 2022.)

Darline Graham

Lindsey Graham's Most Famous Quote Returns To Haunt His Sister

“If we nominate Trump, we will get destroyed … and we will deserve it.”

Reflecting on Tuesday’s midterm election results, a shellacking by Democrats that served as a rebuke to President Donald Trump, this quote deserves another look.

In 2016, in the midst of a heated Republican primary race, with assorted candidates jockeying to be the party’s presidential nominee, those words were posted by what now seems a surprising source: the late South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham.

Of course, Graham himself had been one of the candidates in that bitter contest. Insults like “lightweight” and “jackass” were tossed back and forth, and Trump publicly shared Graham’s cellphone number. (Trump finally apologized for that stunt — at Graham’s funeral this past July. Better late than never, I suppose.)

By the time of Graham’s death this year, though, his earlier self would not have recognized the senator from South Carolina who had transformed himself into one of the president’s golfing buddies and closest allies.

In May of this year, after Sen. Bill Cassidy lost his Louisiana primary to a Trump-backed opponent, Graham reasoned on NBC News that Cassidy lost because he “tried to destroy” the president, and warned the same fate would befall any Republican who crossed Trump. “This is the party of Donald Trump.”

Why the switch? “He allowed me into his world. That’s great,” he told The New York Times.

Lindsey Graham stayed relevant, with a desired seat at the table — at a cost to his political reputation and legacy.

After he died, Graham’s sister was appointed to complete his Senate term and was then pushed to run for a full term by her brother’s onetime nemesis Donald Trump. The president’s endorsement pushed Darline Graham past a more experienced Republican, Rep. Ralph Norman, in the Senate primary.

That she played a part in the Republicans’ historic midterm loss is a full-circle moment that Shakespeare would relish.

Et tu, South Carolina?

Graham lost to Dr. Annie Andrews, as the state elected a Democratic senator for the first time in decades. It came as a big surprise, especially to those Republicans who, like Lindsey Graham, started out as skeptics of the inexperienced, cruel president before making peace with the man, his policies, and his power.

MAGA swallowed the GOP, and voters who elected Trump in 2016 and 2024 followed.

Until they didn’t.

What was the breaking point for the people who ignored millions of dollars in attack ads on their way to the polls?

In Ohio, was it the Vivek Ramaswamy ad that dredged up opponent Amy Acton’s childhood trauma, supported by Trump and Vice President JD Vance?

In the South, was it the seeming glee of Republican state legislatures as they gerrymandered districts with substantial African American constituencies, all with the blessing of a Supreme Court-weakened Voting Rights Act?

In Texas, did Hispanic voters who swung to Trump in 2024 realize that ICE’s definition of “the worst of the worst” included business owners, grandmoms, and schoolchildren?

Did tariffs turn off farmers as it affected expenses and bottom lines?

Did Americans rebel when they saw their dollars buy less while the president gushed over gold trinkets, a ballroom and a reflecting pool his hand-picked contractors couldn’t fix, and made billions for himself and his family?

Did the Islamophobia and anti-Semitism, the racism and homophobia in the name of Jesus leave true people of faith or just plain decent people disgusted?

In South Carolina, Darline Graham didn’t explain her plans for the economy or for fighting corruption or foreign entanglements, except to say “national security is not my thing” on a debate stage.

But the candidate with a scant resume did manage at a South Carolina rally to call her opponent “bats--t crazy” while standing next to an approving Trump, who coined his own anti-trans slur for Andrews.

Andrews responded by saying: “If name-calling would help lower gas prices and grocery prices, he can call me all the names he wants. But I don’t think that’s going to get the job done.” In a state with 14 counties “without a single OB/Gyn,” as Andrews has said, the emptiness of insults is hard to miss.

Whatever lessons they draw from Tuesday, Democrats should not get comfortable.

Angry, hurting voters expect results — fast.

But for now, it’s hard not to recall the warning issued and then forgotten 10 years ago, with the hope that Republicans realize the old Lindsey might have been right all along.

Mary C. Curtis has worked at The New York Times, The Baltimore Sun, The Charlotte Observer, as national correspondent for Politics Daily, and is a senior facilitator with The OpEd Project. She is host of the CQ Roll Call “Equal Time with Mary C. Curtis” podcast. Follow her on X @mcurtisnc3.

Reprinted with permission from Roll Call


gina hinojosa

How The Blue Tsunami Shifted 2028 -- And Voting Rights -- Toward Democrats

After the midterms, Democrats are now in a much better position to protect voting rights and ensure fair elections in most of the states that are likely to decide the 2028 presidential election.

Republicans have spent years rewriting election laws in key presidential battleground states, making it harder to vote under the pretense of fighting “voter fraud” that has never been proven to actually exist.

In Georgia, Republicans shortened the window for requesting absentee ballots, imposed new voter ID requirements, restricted ballot drop-off sites, and infamously banned volunteers from distributing food and water to voters waiting in long lines.

In North Carolina, Republicans implemented voter ID requirements, eliminated the grace period for mail-in ballots that arrive after Election Day, and transferred control of state election administration from the Democratic governor to the Republican state auditor—the only statewide office still held by the GOP.

Arizona Republicans have also enacted restrictions on voting and election administration, while Wisconsin Republicans have fought to limit absentee voting and ballot drop boxes.Now Democrats have severely curtailed the GOP’s ability to create havoc in these key battlegrounds. But they’ll also have the power to do something even more important: reverse some of the damage.Here’s how:

Democrats have new trifectas

Democrats now have control of the governorship and both legislative chambers in the battleground states of Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.That means that they can do more than block new GOP voting restrictions; they can begin dismantling existing barriers, expanding access to mail-in ballots, making ballot drop boxes more widely available, giving voters more opportunities to correct errors on their ballots, and making it easier to register and vote early.

In states like Wisconsin, where Democratic Gov. Tony Evers spent years vetoing Republican attempts to restrict voting, Democrats can finally go on offense.

Democrats swept statewide offices

Democrats won the electorally significant secretary of state and attorney general offices in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, and Wisconsin.Those offices matter.

In most states, secretaries of state play central roles in election administration, while attorneys general can defend voting rights and legitimate election results. Their specific powers vary by state, but Democrats will have considerably more influence over how elections are conducted and protected.

And while no election official can prevent President Donald Trump from making another unsuccessful phone call demanding someone “find 11,780 votes,” Democrats will have far more officials in place to resist efforts to overturn the will of voters.

However, Democrats did come up painfully short in two key states.

Georgia Democrats will be just one vote shy of a trifecta, with Republicans hanging on to a 29 to 27 state Senate majority.

And in North Carolina, Democrats won the state House, but control of the Senate hinges on the 24th District, where the Republican leads by just 268 votes, 50.24 percent to 49.76 percent, which is within the margin for an automatic recount.

But we can finish that job in 2028.

To recap, Republicans can’t enact any new voting restrictions across any of the traditional presidential battlegrounds. And in five of those states, Democrats can actually expand voting access ahead of 2028.

But hey, those are just the traditional battlegrounds. We’ve learned this week that Democrats can think much bigger.

Democrats won big in Texas

Yes, Texas.

The Democrats’ great white whale has finally been bested! After Tuesday, Democrats hold all statewide offices and the state House.But more importantly, Democrats have shown that they can win the state again.

Sure, Sen.-elect James Talarico won by more than 12 points, but the more impressive result was Gina Hinojosa’s seven-point victory in the governor’s race.

Texas’ GOP Senate candidate Ken Paxton was uniquely flawed and odious—not even Trump could bring himself to say nice things about him without taking shots at how he dressed, looked, and acted.

But Texas Gov. Greg Abbott was a conventional Republican with three terms under his belt and no comparable personal scandals to drag him down. Yet voters sent him packing too.

Texas has long had the demographics of a potentially competitive state. Now Democrats have demonstrated that they can actually assemble a winning statewide coalition.And while Republicans still control the state Senate, Democrats can use their newfound executive power to block additional voting restrictions in a state where the GOP has spent years making voting more difficult.

Texas is no longer merely a tantalizing Democratic fantasy; it’s a genuine presidential battleground.

And finally …

Democrats won in Kansas

Yes, Kansas.

The Sunflower State has been a bit of a political anomaly for some time. Of the 20 states with the highest percentage of college graduates, only two are currently Republican—Kansas (#20) and Utah (#15).

Educational attainment has become one of the strongest predictors of partisan affiliation. Voters with college degrees—particularly advanced degrees—have increasingly gravitated toward Democrats, while Republicans have consolidated their advantage among voters without degrees.The numbers from Tuesday tell the story.

In the national House exit poll, Republicans won voters with a high school education by 10 points, 54 percent to 44 percent. Meanwhile, Democrats won voters with bachelor’s degrees, 60 percent to 38 percent, and voters with graduate degrees, 68 percent to 31 percent.

Kansas has a relatively educated electorate, and its recent political history has offered hints of Democratic potential. Voters rejected an anti-abortion constitutional amendment in 2022, and they’ve now elected a Democratic governor three cycles in a row—despite the state’s strong Republican lean in presidential elections.

On Tuesday, Democrats kept the governorship and flipped the attorney general’s office, ousting the odious Kris Kobach.Does that make Kansas a top-tier presidential battleground? Not yet. But it’s another reminder that the electoral map isn’t necessarily as fixed as political conventional wisdom would have us believe.

Democrats didn’t just have a great election on Tuesday; they strengthened their position in the states most likely to decide the next presidential election, gained the power to protect and expand voting access in crucial battlegrounds, and demonstrated that the map itself may be much bigger than anyone expected.

Including Texas.

And there’s no Electoral College map in existence where Republicans can realistically win the White House without Texas.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos. Please consider subscribing or donating to Daily Kos here.

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