Tag: affordability
Sorry Mr. President, But The Affordability Crisis Isn't A 'Hoax'

Sorry Mr. President, But The Affordability Crisis Isn't A 'Hoax'

It was yet another performance that left us wondering about President Donald Trump’s failing mental faculties. Speaking to supporters at a rally in Mount Pocono, Pennsylvania last week, Trump was typically unhinged.

And we have two price charts. Do you remember the last time I pointed to a chart? I don't care what these charts say. My all-time favorite chart was the chart I had in Butler. I said, "Let's look at the chart." I don't care how good that chart looks, it's shit by comparison to the one in… It's nothing. I like the Butler chart. Remember that was on how great employment was and all this, but I like it for other reasons. Look at that chart. It's good. But now that I talk about the Butler chart, I don't even want to look at it, doesn't mean anything. But look, Biden price increases and Trump price increases. Look at Biden. Up 37, 24%, 22, 21, 30.7, 30.7 again, 10.4%, 49%. Trump, the price is down 5.1, 4.2, 0.5, down 4%, 2.9. Look at that. Our prices are coming down. Their prices, it's a hoax. They're just … Remember they said the Inflation Reduction Act, remember that? Billions and billions, hundreds of billions of dollars, the inflation, and after they got it approved, because we had a few Republicans that went along with that whole hoax.

If there was a coherent thought buried in all that gibberish, he later tried to summarize it this way: “Prices are coming down very substantially. But they have a new word. They always have a hoax. The new word is affordability.”

He can call it a hoax all he wants, but Trump and his team know affordability is a real problem. That’s why he’s suddenly trying to co-opt the term, like a cringe Truth Social post declaring himself “THE AFFORDABILITY PRESIDENT.” It’s also why his team has sent him out on what it’s calling an “affordability tour,” which is how he ended up in Mount Pocono at the Mount Airy Casino Resort. The largest ballroom there holds about 1,200 people—a telling choice by a campaign clearly afraid of empty seats at a sizable venue.

What should worry Republicans is not just the optics, but the substance. A rally supposedly designed to counter Democratic attacks on affordability instead showcased Trump creating an entire alternate reality.

“We’re getting inflation,” he said. “We’re crushing it, and you’re getting much higher wages. I mean, the only thing that’s really going up big, it’s called the stock market and your 401(k)s that’s going up.”

That line should sound familiar, because Democrats already tried it—and paid the price. President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris spent much of the 2024 campaign insisting the economy was strong, that inflation was cooling, that wages were up, and that voters simply didn’t understand how good things really were.

Voters didn’t buy it. Telling people they’re wrong about their own financial stress is a losing message, no matter which party delivers it.

Trump is now making the exact same mistake, only he’s louder and more detached from the lives of the people he claims to be fighting for. Instead of acknowledging the pain people are actually feeling, he reached for a familiar crutch: bragging about the stock market, as if that is supposed to mean something to an audience in Appalachia or to anyone struggling to pay rent or buy groceries.

And he couldn’t stop.

“The stock market has set 51, this is in less than 10 months,” Trump said. “The stock market has set 51 all-time record highs. There’s never been anything like that. Bum, bum, bum, bum, bum, bum.” He repeated the claim again for good measure.

Then came a reprise of the “let them eat cake” routine he’s been workshopping for a while. After bizarrely claiming that without his tariffs “you would have no steel,” Trump explained that Americans should simply do without other consumer goods.

“You can give up certain products. You can give up pencils because under the China policy, every child can get 37 pencils. They only need one or two,” he said. “You don’t need 37 dolls for your daughter. Two or three is nice, but you don’t need 37 dolls.”

It’s remarkable watching so many cultish conservatives swing from “Don’t tread on me” to “Please daddy Trump, tell me how many dolls my daughter can have.” For the broader electorate, though, this message is political poison.

A Decent Slice: The Affordability Crisis Isn't Only About Prices

A Decent Slice: The Affordability Crisis Isn't Only About Prices

As readers know, I yield to none when it comes to elevating the affordability crisis, along with the policy and politics therein. But in most of my work in this space, I at least tip my hat to the fact that it’s not just about P (prices). It’s about Y/P (where “Y” is income, so Y/P is inflation-adjusted, or real, incomes). By which I mean, affordability is not just about prices. It’s also about how far your paycheck goes, given how much things cost.

As Neale Mahoney and I wrote a bit ago:

Another way in which economists historically think about affordability is in terms of the real purchasing power of paychecks and incomes. That is, we are more prone to think about incomes relative to prices (Y/P) than prices in isolation. This makes good economic sense as an equal percentage increase in prices and incomes has no impact on affordability in real terms.

We go on to point out, however, that this…

…is not how most people tend to internalize the problem. As recent research by Stefanie Stantcheva has shown, people tend to credit themselves for wage or income gains but believe price increases are imposed on them by outside forces. This means that even when a price increase is matched by a wage gain, people end up feeling worse off.

I’m acutely aware of how much price levels—what things cost—have been a core source of economic angst for a good while now, which is why I’ve been devoting most of my policy time working with folks to craft affordability policies.

But that said, I’ve lately been seeing affordability takes that go too far for my comfort in leaving off the income part of the equation. A typical example shows a price of a good or service on the affordability docket, like groceries, going up over time, and declaring that therein lies the problem.

That’s a mistake on numerous levels. Progressives, especially in periods of rising inequality, have long argued that workers’ paychecks should grow closer to the rate of productivity, which is a fancy way of saying that the bakers, not just the bakery owners, ought to get a fair slice of the pie they’re baking. But, of course, as the Economic Policy Institute has long shown, that’s not always been the case (though contrary to claims that inequality only goes up, there are periods, often during full employment labor markets, wherein median compensation growth kept pace with productivity).

The table below provides a useful microcosm of this story by tracking the growth in both hourly wages and groceries over various time periods. Over the long-term, since the mid-1960s, annualized wage growth has outpaced grocery-price growth by a half-a-percent per year. Cumulatively since 2019, grocery prices are up by almost a third, which is a lot for this series, but wage growth is up almost six percent more since then.

Bureau of Labor Statistics data through August 2025, wages for production non-supervisory workers

However, the ‘21-’22 period, when inflation spiked in general and groceries in particular, wage growth lagged well behind. Though affordability issues had loomed large well before this shock, it was this sudden, huge jump in the price level—and again, not just groceries, but gas too, especially post-Russia’s invasion of Ukraine—that unleased the affordability crisis that remains predominant today.

How that crisis eventually dissipates must be some combination of these events: prices fall back to where they used to be, incomes growth outpaces price growth, effective affordability policies take hold, and time passes. Falling prices are very unlikely and, because it would take a huge, negative economic shock—think deep recession—to get there, not desirable (of course, removing the tariffs would definitely help for specific goods). I suspect if you asked the average person would you rather egg prices go back to where they were if it meant losing your job, they wouldn’t take the deal.

Policy work can help too, but a) not until competent policymakers are in power, and b) policymaking and implementation take time. And speaking of time, its passage is a critical piece of the puzzle. You don’t see me walking around enraged that gas is no longer $0.60/gallon, which it was when I started driving. In fact, the combination of low inflation, income growth beating that low inflation, and time passage is a reliable recipe for affordability, though, as noted, structurally unaffordable sectors like child care, health care, and housing must be addressed and ameliorated by policy.

I mentioned income growth above, so before we close, let’s look at that. Because hourly wages are the fundamental building block of working-family incomes, they were the focus of the grocery table above. But affordability at the household level is a function of n*h*w/p, were n is the number of people in the household who are working in the paid labor market, h is their average annual hours of work, and w/p is their average real hourly wage (and that’s just market incomes; non-market incomes, like tax credits, unemployment benefits, etc., also matter).

Here’s real median household income. Because of n and h in the formula above, it’s somewhat cyclical. In this regard, solid research reveals that tight labor markets help boost the bargaining clout of middle and lower-wage workers, boosting n, h, and w/p. But if you eyeball the end of the figure, you see the pandemic and the inflationary spike that followed led to sharply falling household incomes. From 2019-22, nominal income grew eight percent which isn’t bad, but inflation grew 13 percent, with the difference, -five percent, being the rate at which real income fell. That too is a source of the current affordability crisis.

But doesn’t the figure show household income jumping back up, and doing so with a slope that’s as steep as any other in the picture? Yes, it does, and that’s a key ingredient of the recipe above, driven by lower inflation, the strong job market, and solid real wage gains that for awhile there were stronger at the bottom of the pay scale than at the top. But you’ll also note that the recent gains just take the real income level back to where it was pre-pandemic, and that too feeds the affordability crisis.

Bottom line, while prices are understandably a current obsession, and the Stantcheva point above regarding the psychology of these dynamics is also in the mix, we must not ignore or downplay the importance of the earnings, incomes, wealth. They are just as important to affordability as prices, and the gap between real pay and productivity—i.e., wage inequality—is an historical factor that has played a key role not just in how people feel about economic fairness, but in how they vote about it.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Econjared.

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After The Blue Wave, Affordability Trumps Tariffs At The MAGA White House

After The Blue Wave, Affordability Trumps Tariffs At The MAGA White House

Among the many fallouts from the mini-blue-wave election earlier this month was Trump and the White House finally picking up on the affordability challenges that are besetting so many American families.

True, Trump labeled the issue a “Democratic con,” claimed costs were already way down, and said he didn’t want to hear about it. And yet, the White House just announced that their “reciprocal” tariffs will no longer apply to a set of groceries including coffee (price up 19% percent over the past year), ground beef (up 13 percent), avocados, tropical fruit (oranges, mangoes, bananas, pineapples), and more.

What are the economics and politics in play here?

On the economics, even tariff supporters had a hard time supporting tariffs on goods and sectors that we were never going to develop in America, like coffee and bananas. And Trump never tried to hide his motivation for his 50% Brazilian tariffs: to support fellow authoritarian Jair Bolsonaro. But Brazil is a big exporter of both beef and coffee, so those tariffs have been removed.

Will formerly tariffed grocery prices quickly fall? From the AP:

The Food Industry Association, which represents retailers, producers and a variety of related industry firms and services, applauded Trump’s move to provide “swift tariff relief,” noting that import U.S. taxes “are an important factor” in a “complex mix” of supply chain issues.

Um…"swift relief” for whom? As noted, these tariffs boosted consumer prices, but a) they are not the only factor in play (e.g., beef prices have been impacted by drought), and b) consumer passthrough has not been dollar-for-dollar. Analysts, myself included, have pointed out that tariffs have been partially absorbed by thinner profit margins, so ending the tariffs could show up as higher margins.

But it’s reasonable to assume that the consumer passthrough that has occurred will unwind and these prices will come down some, though be aware of the rockets/feathers story: a positive price shock will quickly lead to a price spike (rockets) while a negative shock will take hold more gradually.

On the politics, will this help the White House? Probably, to some degree. These are staples, consumed regularly. But they’ve got two big problems.

First, this move is just so contrary to their rhetoric about tariffs not having any impact on prices. Everyone already knew this was nonsense, but now that they’re admitting it, what about everything else up and down the retail aisles?

Here’s Rep. Don Beyer (D-VA) in that same AP article:

“President Trump is finally admitting what we always knew: his tariffs are raising prices for the American people. After getting drubbed in recent elections because of voters’ fury that Trump has broken his promises to fix inflation, the White House is trying to cast this tariff retreat as a ‘pivot to affordability.”

It is also not incidental that any price relief offered through tariff reduction only gets us back to where we were, pre-April ‘25. I seriously doubt that an effective affordability policy is “First, we made things more expensive. Now, we’re going back to what they used to cost. You’re welcome, America!”

Second, the affordability challenge has many dimensions, of which groceries are but one. There’s health care, which Trump and Rs made much worse by taking away tax credits, thereby doubling coverage costs for tens of millions of Americans, a fact the the Ds effectively elevated during the shutdown. There’s child care, energy costs, housing, and more.

I recently argued that the foundational problem facing Trump (who’s approval rating just hit new lows) and the Rs is that they have none of the policy-muscle-memory necessary to craft responses to the affordability crisis. They’ve just shown that they can, when pushed by a electoral whupping, reverse some—just some—of the damage they’ve done. But that just underscores my point.

It’s up to the Ds and the rest of us to a) roll up our sleeves and craft that agenda, b) make sure everyone knows who, when it comes to affordability, is fighting for whom.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Econjared.

U.S. Pending Home Sales Inch Up In November

Washington (AFP) – U.S. pending home sales rose slightly in November, ending five consecutive months of declines, the National Association of Realtors (NAR) said Monday.

NAR said its pending home sales index — a contract-based indicator of activity in the residential real-estate market — edged up 0.2 percent to 101.7 in November.

The November number was much weaker than the 1.5 percent average forecast of analysts.

NAR revised sharply downward the October data to a fall of 1.2 percent, double the prior estimate.

Pending home sales are a forward-looking indicator that reflects contracts signed but not closed.

“We may have reached a cyclical low because the positive fundamentals of job creation and household formation are likely to foster a fairly stable level of contract activity in 2014,” said Lawrence Yun, NAR chief economist.

“Although the final months of 2013 are finishing on a soft note, the year as a whole will end with the best sales total in seven years.”

The November figure was the first gain in pending home sales since May, when mortgage interest rates began rising after the Federal Reserve signaled a scale-back in its monetary stimulus.

Compared with a year ago, the pending home sales index was down 1.6 percent.

Yun predicted that higher mortgage rates and strong home price gains would yield more modest growth in home values in 2014.

Cooper Howes of Barclays Research said that the year-end softness was due in part to the jump in mortgage rates.

“This effect has been diminishing, however, and we would expect that pending home sales will gradually resume their upward trend given the subsequent easing in financial conditions,” Howes said.

Robert Kavcic of BMO Capital Markets also said the market remained on the recovery track.

“We continue to believe that the U.S. housing market will absorb the upward move in mortgage rates and push higher in 2014, helped by still-attractive affordability, better job growth and improved confidence in the recovery,” he said.

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