Tag: federal government
US Attorney General Pam Bondi

Pam Bondi Shows How It's Not Done

In her press conference Friday announcing the unsealing of Department of Justice criminal charges against Kilmar Abrego Garcia, Attorney General Pam Bondi put on a clinic—in how to make such announcements improperly.

Bondi overreached grotesquely, in ways that likely violated DOJ, bar association, and federal guidelines, and possibly the U.S. Constitution as well. In her excess of zeal, she tarred Abrego Garcia with external allegations and may well have undermined the prospects for conviction.

This is not Bondi’s first flagrant departure from appropriate conduct in informing the public about DOJ charges. It’s become her M.O. to throw around inflammatory charges against defendants combined with fulsome and legally irrelevant praise of President Trump.

She should, and likely does, know better. In other times, the Department’s disciplinary processes would come down hard on her. But taking a page from her patron, she has also neutered norms and rules designed to rein in abuses. For former DOJ staffers, it’s stunning and deeply disheartening to see the abuses come from the very top, and to witness a kind of bloodthirst for conviction replace the Department’s deep institutional allegiance to the presumption of innocence.

The presumption of innocence is a cornerstone not just of American law but of nearly all evolved criminal justice systems. It is a counterweight to the enormous power of the state and a bulwark against the prospect that the government could use the criminal law to punish opponents and suppress dissent. The idea is encapsulated in the famous maxim of the foundational legal expositor William Blackstone: “It is better that ten guilty persons escape than that one innocent suffer.”

The presumption of innocence requires that prosecutors present their evidence in a court of law according to rules of evidence and other legal safeguards, including the burden of proving guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. It follows that in publicly announcing charges against a defendant—which are not evidence but mere allegations—a prosecutor must restrict herself to the information set out in the grand jury indictment or other charging document, and must scrupulously characterize that information as government contentions, not proof.

That limitation, which is a matter of second nature to a seasoned prosecutor, gives rise to several independent strictures. Violating them potentially carries administrative, disciplinary, judicial, and even criminal penalties.

Among the most serious is the prohibition in the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure (formally enacted by the Supreme Court with congressional oversight) on public disclosure of “matters occurring before the grand jury.” Once a grand jury has returned an indictment, the set of allegations in that document becomes public, and so a prosecutor may disclose those allegations. But by the same token, she may disclose only those allegations and must make it clear that they are simply allegations and that a defendant retains the presumption of innocence.

Then there are Department of Justice restrictions on media statements in the Justice Manual. These specify, among other things, that a prosecutor may only confirm basic public facts, such as court dates, and can never offer public statements about the strength of the evidence, character of the accused, or likelihood of conviction.

Departures from these DOJ guidelines are subject to discipline by the Department’s Office of Professional Responsibility, which investigates misconduct and makes findings that can lead to various recommended sanctions, including termination.

There are also separate ethical rules administered by state bar authorities that forbid lawyers from making out-of-court statements that present a substantial likelihood of materially prejudicing a proceeding. Those are typically part of state-specific regulatory systems of ethical restrictions. In Florida, where Attorney General Bondi holds her bar license, these include a special requirement that a “Florida prosecutor must refrain from making statements that ‘heighten public condemnation of the accused’ unless necessary to inform the public and serve a legitimate law enforcement purpose.”

Finally, the prohibition on public commentary outside the four corners of the indictment has a constitutional dimension. Courts have suppressed evidence and even reversed criminal convictions for misconduct that violates a defendant’s right to the presumption of innocence—for example, improperly influencing the jury pool.

The transgression, and thus the prospect of court sanction, is greater when the inflammatory statement comes from a high-level government official. As the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals put it in a case growing out of Hurricane Katrina: “When statements come from high-level government officials such as a United States Attorney, they are more likely to be taken seriously by the press and the public and thus more likely to influence public opinion—and potentially, the jury pool.”

The bottom line, ingrained in the mindset of experienced prosecutors, is straightforward: when announcing criminal charges, stick scrupulously to the four corners of the indictment; emphasize that they are allegations and the defendant is presumed innocent; and never malign the defendant with extraneous incendiary characterizations—for example, by asserting, as AG Bondi did on Fox News in discussing the charges against state court judge Hannah Duggan, that she must be “deranged.”

In this case, the indictment itself—and in particular the conspiracy charge—gave Bondi plenty of material to paint Abrego Garcia in the most sinister terms.

The indictment has a central story, and it's one we've known about for some time. In 2022, Abrego Garcia was stopped by state troopers in Tennessee. He was driving a Suburban and there were nine other passengers, all Hispanic males, in the car with him. He told police that he was transporting the nine from one job site to another. The officers, who recorded the episode on their body cameras, suspected that he might have been transporting undocumented aliens, but they opted to let him go with a warning about an expired license.

That story is the dramatic centerpiece—really the only detailed drama—in the indictment. The rest of the document is cursory and elliptical. But it seeks to paint a picture of Abrego Garcia's criminal conduct that goes very far beyond—in time and kinds of crimes—the traffic stop.

The key is the government’s use of a conspiracy charge. Conspiracy law is a very powerful tool for prosecutors because it provides for liability among all conspirators for the criminal conduct of each of them. It does, however, require the government to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendant agreed to participate in the conspiracy.

Thus, perhaps the key allegation in the whole indictment is in paragraphs 9–10, alleging that Abrego Garcia joined a 10-year conspiracy (from about 2016 to about 2025) to transport aliens within the United States.

That is the linchpin that lets the government load up the indictment with allegations of conduct from unidentified conspirators (CC-1 to CC-6 in the indictment). Some of the allegations have nothing to do with Abrego Garcia; others have nothing to do with the identified goal of the conspiracy.

Paragraph 26 alleges that CC-6 was involved in the killing of more than 50 migrants when the trailer they were in overturned in Mexico. Paragraphs 19–20 detail the money laundering part of the operation by CCs 3, 4, and 5. There is no mention of Abrego Garcia.

Use of conspiracy law to expand a defendant’s liability is fair game. But it depends on proof beyond a reasonable doubt that Abrego Garcia agreed to join the conspiracy. That may prove tricky. The indictment just states—without elaboration—that Abrego Garcia agreed with CC-1 to “work together to transport undocumented aliens for profit and private financial gain.”

The story, however, looks more complicated than that. According to news reports, CC-1 is a man named Jose Hernandez-Reyes, who is serving a 30-month sentence in Alabama for transporting undocumented migrants. He has been granted limited immunity to cooperate against Abrego Garcia. He supposedly told federal officers who visited him in April that he ran a Baltimore-based taxi service for transporting migrants and that he hired Abrego Garcia “on multiple occasions” to do the driving.

That hardly seems like a clear demonstration that Abrego Garcia agreed to join the overall criminal enterprise. It certainly leaves room for argument that he's more like a hired hand who helped out on multiple occasions.

We know that the chief of the criminal division in the Nashville U.S. Attorney's office where the case was brought resigned over the decision to charge Abrego Garcia. He was a career prosecutor who had served for 15 years. That sort of resignation is, first, incredibly rare—or was before the Bondi era—and second, an indication of something possibly very abnormal in the case approval process. Perhaps it was the decision to treat Abrego Garcia as a mastermind leader of the conspiracy with Hernandez-Reyes, rather than an occasional driver.

The bottom line, though, is that the concrete and detailed story of the Tennessee stop stands very far apart from the balance of the indictment, which is fairly flimsy and conclusory. It’s the big leg up of the conspiracy charge that enables the government to use the traffic stop to portray Abrego Garcia as a central player in a longstanding scheme of unlawful transportation of migrants—with stray allegations of gun-running, drugs, and sexual abuse thrown in.

Bondi was asked at the press conference why, since the grand jury had uncovered all the additional information involving guns, drugs, and sexual assault, the government didn’t charge Abrego Garcia with those crimes. This was her complete response: “We were clear to say that he is charged with very serious charges of alien smuggling, and again, there were children involved in that. You know—human trafficking, not only in our country but in our world, is very, very real. It’s very dangerous.”

In his famous speech, “The Federal Prosecutor,” Attorney General (and later Associate Justice) Robert Jackson wrote, “While the prosecutor at his best is one of the most beneficent forces in our society, when he acts from malice or other base motives, he is one of the worst. The federal prosecutor can strike hard blows, but he is not at liberty to strike foul ones.”

The conspiracy charges against Abrego Garcia strike a hard blow—though, as noted, they may result in problems of proof for the prosecution. But the Attorney General’s remarks at her triumphant, pugnacious press conference repeatedly struck foul ones.

For starters, Bondi leveled wildly inflammatory charges against Abrego Garcia that strayed far from the four corners of the indictment. She asserted that the grand jury found that Abrego Garcia was a full-time smuggler of migrants, not a contractor (“They found that this was his full-time job.”). She said that he made over 100 trips and transported over 1,000 migrants. (Notice these allegations seem to contradict the account of Hernandez-Reyes, who told the feds that Abrego Garcia had driven loads of migrants “on multiple occasions.”) She told the press that the grand jury found that Abrego Garcia solicited nude photographs and videos of minors. She alleged that he had played a role in the murder of a rival gang member’s mother.

The indictment includes not a word about any of these incendiary allegations that indeed do make Abrego Garcia seem like an incorrigible criminal and one of the “worst of the worst,” as Trump has put it. In fact, Bondi’s repeated assertions about what the grand jury “found” are bizarre. Grand juries don’t submit ancillary findings in support of their indictments. All their allegations are contained within the indictment (which, typically, prosecutors draft).

And to the extent Bondi was relying on evidence that the grand jury heard but that did not wind up in the indictment, she would be revealing confidential grand jury information in violation of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure. That is the sort of serious transgression that typically results in discipline of the attorney and potential dismissal of the case.

Bondi further peppered her comments with chest-thumping and hammy lines that again just have no place in a media briefing on a federal indictment. She dramatically proclaimed that Abrego Garcia had “traded the innocence of minor children for profit,” whatever that means. When asked what had changed since authorities declined to charge Abrego Garcia for the 2022 traffic stop, she answered, “What has changed since then is Donald Trump is now President of the United States and our borders are again secure,” which manages to be improperly political, nonresponsive, and bananas all at once.

She then asserted that the police work on the Abrego Garcia case had “stopped this international smuggling ring,” but Hernandez-Reyes has been in federal custody since April 8, after being picked up by Border Patrol agents on an unrelated charge. She came back repeatedly to the “disturbing” fact that there were children involved, and detoured to an unrelated case in which MS-13 allegedly groomed young children to be gang members. She said that Abrego Garcia not only had joined the conspiracy but played a “significant” role in it.

Bondi has regularly violated legal, ethical, and internal requirements in her public remarks about federal charges. But the Abrego Garcia press conference reads like an issue-spotter ethics exam for young prosecutors. Virtually every sentence contains one or more improprieties. Any potential juror that heard it, not to mention the public as a whole, would have to have been left with a sinister picture of Abrego Garcia as one of the “worst of the worst” that seems flatly discordant with the available evidence and bears little relation to the actual allegations in the indictment. It’s a truly disgraceful performance.

It’s not hard to discern Bondi’s motivation for splattering mud all over Abrego Garcia. He was the first migrant whom the Trump administration had to admit it had deported by mistake. His case has been the hottest flashpoint in a series of controversial deportations, and he has become the poster child for the Administration’s fecklessness and indifference to its own constitutional violations.

When faced with court orders to return him to the United States, the administration trotted out a series of lousy legal arguments and implausible factual accounts to try to evade their constitutional responsibility to bring him back. But they were only digging an ever-deeper hole for themselves, both in the courts and in public opinion, and their refusal to facilitate his return was becoming untenable.

The government insisted that it couldn’t and wouldn’t bring Abrego Garcia home so many times, that finally throwing in the towel was an embarrassment. The criminal charges are a face-saving measure, and the more they can paint Abrego Garcia as a savage monster, the more they can deflect attention from their own lawlessness and portray Trump as a strongman savior.

If this case goes to trial, I think it's likely that the government’s proof will not match its allegations, starting with Abrego Garcia’s supposed joining of the conspiracy. The cross-examinations of CC-1 and CC-2 figure to be bruising. The defense also has a strong story to tell of vindictive and politicized prosecution, and various ways to make hay of Bondi’s improper public comments.

For those reasons, I think the administration is likely to play hardball and bring all leverage it can to induce Abrego Garcia to plead guilty, probably to the one substantive count based on the 2022 traffic stop. They weren’t able to disappear him permanently into CECOT, but keeping his story—which is mainly a story of governmental misconduct and malice—from coming out would be the next best thing for the Administration. It would prevent Abrego Garcia and the justice system from turning the mirror on the Administration’s skein of overreach, arrogance, and evasion since March 15, when they shipped him to El Salvador by mistake. They would be able to bury the whole ugly mess, keep the most important parts of the story from coming to light, and preempt any efforts to hold the government accountable. That’s a foul blow to democracy.

Harry Litman is a former United States Attorney and the executive producer and host of the Talking Feds podcast. He has taught law at UCLA, Berkeley, and Georgetown and served as a deputy assistant attorney general in the Clinton Administration. Please consider subscribing to Talking Feds on Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Substack.

Trump White House Escalates War On The Press

Trump White House Escalates War On The Press

President Donald Trump is ramping up his assault on the press, opening new avenues for federal retribution against outlets which displease him as his administration prepares to mark 100 days in office.

Trump has long railed against journalists as the “enemy of the people,” used the power of the state as a cudgel against the industry in his first term, and promised more of the same in his second.

His return to office brought what Columbia Journalism Review’s Jon Allsop described as a “sharp, often contemptuous rupture” between the federal government and the press, with the White House seeking over the last few months to dominate reporters, place new restrictions on critical outlets, and lift up right-wing propagandists in their place.

The president’s threats against news outlets have been so extreme for so many years that by contrast, such moves struck some observers as “small beer” or “trivial nonsense.”

But Trump’s talk is cheap until it isn’t — at any time, on a whim, he or the assortment of ideologues and shills he’s appointed can set the gears of government grinding against his foes. And this weekend brought a sharp escalation and worrying signs for the future.

Justice Department ends restrictions protecting journalists

Attorney General Pam Bondi on Friday laid the groundwork for the imprisonment of journalists who produce reporting that damages the president’s interests.

In an internal Justice Department memo, Bondi rescinded Biden-era protections which restricted prosecutors “from seeking records and compelling testimony from members of the news media,” stating this was necessary “in order to identify and punish the source of improper leaks” by individuals whose conduct she described as “treasonous.”

Notably, her memo targets not just the leaking of classified information but also “disclosures that undermine President Trump’s policies, victimize government agencies, and cause harm to the American people.”

Trump regularly rails against reporting based on anonymous sources. Bondi’s move raises the prospect of the Trump administration responding to such reports by forcing reporters to choose between revealing their sources and going to jail.

Bondi, a Trump loyalist who previously parlayed frequent Fox appearances defending Trump into a post on his first impeachment legal defense team, will apparently be making the call over when the Justice Department uses that legal tool.

Other top prosecutors and investigators who might weigh in include her deputy, Emil Bove, who previously represented Trump in state and federal prosecutions; Ed Martin, the lawyer for January 6 defendant who now serves as interim U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia; FBI Director Kash Patel, who has called for the federal targeting of journalists; and his extremely online deputy, the former Fox host Dan Bongino.

How far will they go? Trump wants them to go very far indeed.

Trump calls for investigations of media pollsters

Trump responded on Monday to new surveys which show his approval ratings plunging in light of his catastrophic tariff rollout by calling for investigations into the pollsters and the media outlets which conduct them.

Trump claimed in an early morning post on Truth Social that results from New York Times/Siena and ABC/Washington Post polls were due to the surveys “looking for a negative result.”

“These people should be investigated for ELECTION FRAUD, and add in the FoxNews Pollster while you’re at it,” he wrote. “They are Negative Criminals who apologize to their subscribers and readers after I WIN ELECTIONS BIG, much bigger than their polls showed I would win, loose a lot of credibility, and then go on cheating and lying for the next cycle, only worse.”

Trump regularly accuses his media foes of breaking the law, and in a March speech at the Justice Department headquarters he instructed its employees to “watch for” their “totally illegal” behavior.

The president is currently suing Iowa pollster J. Ann Selzer over the results of one of her presidential campaign surveys.

Trump has personally dictated Justice Department investigations into two former officials from his first administration who became critics, as well as into ActBlue, the hub for Democratic campaign fundraising — and he could launch a similar legal assault on any news outlet which displeases him at any time.

A cry of desperation from CBS News

60 Minutes anchor Scott Pelley concluded Sunday’s broadcast with a blunt explanation for the resignation last week of Bill Owens, a journalist with decades of experience at CBS News and the show’s longtime executive producer.

“Our parent company, Paramount, is trying to complete a merger,” he said. “The Trump administration must approve it. Paramount began to supervise our content in new ways. None of our stories has been blocked, but Bill felt he had lost the independence that honest journalism requires.”

Trump and his administration had targeted CBS News for retribution following a 60 Minutes interview of Kamala Harris, the editing of which the president alleged had been unfair to him.

Trump launched a lawsuit seeking $10 billion in damages from the network, which First Amendment attorneys described as “ridiculous junk” and “a frivolous and dangerous attempt by a politician to control the news media.” Brendan Carr, his handpicked chair of the Federal Communications Commission, is conducting an investigation into the editing that former FCC commissioners have denounced.

Rather than stand firmly behind the company’s journalists, Paramount Chair Shari Redstone is reportedly seeking a settlement with Trump and an agreement with Carr that will allow the company’s merger to go through.

Trump gloats about media owners bowing to his will

Trump thinks he’s winning his battle against the press, as The Atlanticreported in a recent interview with the president:

“Tell the people at The Atlantic, if they’d write good stories and truthful stories, the magazine would be hot,” he said. Perhaps the magazine can risk forgoing hotness, he suggested, because it is owned by Laurene Powell Jobs, which buffers it, he implied, from commercial imperatives. But that doesn’t guarantee anything, he warned. “You know at some point, they give up,” he said, referring to media owners generally and—we suspected—[Washington Post owner Jeff] Bezos specifically. “At some point they say, No más, no más.” He laughed quietly.

Trump understands that many of the news outlets whose work he decries are owned by multinational corporations or wealthy magnates whose business interests make them vulnerable to federal retaliation.

After only a few months in office, he’s seen the pressure he’s exerted on CBS News push it to the breaking point, while the resolve of major newspaper owners is seemingly crumbling. And he has years more time in office to try to break them to his will.

Reprinted with permission from Media Matters.

FEMA

Blue States That Finance Government Need Less Federal Help

"Move it back to the states," Donald Trump says about education, about FEMA and, as will probably happen, about Medicaid. What that would mean to Americans depends on what state they live in. As the federal government moves forward on this, it's a good bet that high-income states can handle the changes better than low-income ones.

Yes, it's true: Taxpayers in high-income states, largely blue ones, have been subsidizing residents of less wealthy red states.

A few years ago, there was an interesting feud between Joe Manchin, senator from West Virginia, and Mikie Sherrill, who represents a well-heeled congressional district in New Jersey. Funds for a federal child care subsidy were to be cut, and Manchin wanted the plan rejiggered to send a bigger chunk to the many low-income families of West Virginia. That would have meant less help for suburban parents in New Jersey.

Sherrill responded: "New Jersey already pays more than $10 billion in taxes than we receive in federal spending, and I will not let another federal program pay less to New Jersey taxpayers than it does to all other Americans."

According to Trump's vision of New Federalism, services provided by the federal government would be better handled by states. But the bills for these services would also largely go to the states. Obviously, states with high incomes and high taxes are better equipped to replace Washington dollars.

Florida may have attracted a lot of rich people seeking low taxes, but if the Federal Emergency Management Agency stopped showering money for hurricane relief every time a big blow tears up the coastline — forcing Floridians to bear more of the cost — well, good luck with that.

FEMA's core principle for disaster relief has been "locally executed, state managed and federally supported." Home insurance costs have already skyrocketed in Florida. Add to that the economic fallout of making the people living there pay more for building back?

Public schools are mostly funded by state and local taxpayers. The Department of Education does give money to schools with high percentages of low-income students, many in rural areas, and pays for special education. Over 23% of Mississippi's school district revenue comes from federal funding. By contrast, the feds account for only about 7% of New York state's.

Meanwhile, look at outcomes. The top state for test scores is Massachusetts, followed by New Jersey, Connecticut, New Hampshire and New York. These states would probably do OK without a Department of Education.

The House budget resolution targets cuts to Medicaid of up to $880 billion or more over 10 years. Medicaid is jointly financed by states and the federal government but administered by the states. If a state wants to make up for lost Medicaid funds, it can raise taxes. Or it could cover fewer people, cut benefits or pay doctors less.

Despite a much-publicized movement of rich people from high-tax places like New York and California to lower-tax Florida and Texas, the big money has largely remained in the urban centers where it was originally made.

"The Ultra-Rich are Flourishing and Sticking Around in California," Bloomberg News reports. Despite mesospheric housing prices, some corporate departures and high taxes, Bloomberg writes, "it remains one of the most popular places for global wealth."

And the state is run by Democrats. Texas may be a red state, but its economic engines are the blue cities of Austin, Dallas and Houston.

Trump's 2017 tax cuts overwhelmingly went to the upper incomes. Extending them now would do more of the same. Where do those upper incomes live? (See above.)

I may be the thousandth pundit to note that Trump-o-nomics hurts working people most, that is, his voters. What can you say except that elections have consequences.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Waste, Fraud And Abuse In Musk's Department Of Gross Errors

Waste, Fraud And Abuse In Musk's Department Of Gross Errors

A deplorable level of waste, abuse and fraud persists in the federal government, as well as in local and state governments run by both parties and in major corporations, too. At the moment, however, America's most prolific source of fraud and waste appears to be the ironically named Department of Government Efficiency.

It wasn't supposed to be this way, of course. When Donald Trump returned to the presidency, he vowed — as he had done many times before — to crack down on all the loafers, crooks and spendthrifts on the government payroll. He would balance the budget, cut taxes, and protect Social Security and Medicare. With a flourish he appointed the obscenely rich Elon Musk, who needs no further introduction, to lead DOGE and its cost-cutting crusade.

Having promised initially to cut $2 trillion — or nearly a third of what the United States government spends annually — Musk quickly backed away from that inflated target. The host of engineers, lawyers and right-wing political hacks that he imposed on federal agencies under the aegis of DOGE soon alarmed everyone by demanding access to confidential data and classified information, at great jeopardy to national and personal security.

Leaving aside the dangers posed by DOGE's bumbling invasion, the sum total of its cost-cutting campaign falls far short of the extravagant claims promoted by Musk and Trump. Over the weekend, the DOGE list of budget-slashing achievements was revised sharply downward for the second time in less than a week.

Nearly every day, the billionaire and his aides have cited millions and even billions allegedly recovered by eliminating federal programs, agencies, services and research, often with seemingly ludicrous examples of wasteful spending. Trump echoed many of them in his State of the Union speech, including an alleged study of "transgender mice." That was one of many mistakes served up by Trump and Musk — in that instance, the valuable research they were mocking involved "transgenic" mice, used to assess cancer and chronic illness treatments.

Much of what DOGE has served up so far is misinformation and disinformation of equally dismal quality. Its name should be changed to the Department of Gross Errors. Debunking the howlers tossed out by Musk's arrogant yet plainly incompetent crew is now a regular beat for many news outlets, as the billions in supposed savings routinely shrink by factors of a thousand or more — to an infinitesimal fraction of what the grandiose Musk has asserted.

ProPublica, the nonprofit investigative reporting outlet, found that the cuts imposed on the IRS by DOGE are likely to cost the United States billions of dollars over the coming years. As every tax expert knows, the salaries of the auditors and experts dismissed by the DOGE geniuses are earned back many times over as they claw back taxes owed by wealthy miscreants. Firing these experienced auditors means squandering an investment that would have paid huge dividends for decades. Musk may not like what IRS auditors do — which billionaire does? — but that saves money for people like him, not the honest taxpayers.

And according to a front-page analysis published by the Wall Street Journal — an impeccably right-wing newspaper owned by Fox News boss Rupert Murdoch — DOGE's "wall of receipts" doesn't quite add up either. Musk has boasted about his outfit cutting $55 billion in waste so far, but the canceled contracts posted on its website only came to $9 billion. And the Journal's reporting shows that at least half of those cancellations saved no money at all — which means the real cuts represent less than 10 percent of the advertised amount.

On March 3, the New York Times confirmed confirmed that DOGE's computer geniuses don't know how to do high-school math: "From its start, the list has been full of errors: claims that confused billions with millions, triple-counted the same cancellation, or claimed credit for contracts that had ended years or even decades before."

Shall we call that "fraud," or is it qualify as "abuse"? Considering the time and money spent on DOGE, including its pointless distraction of federal employees who do real work with threats and demands that they draw up lists of their achievements, it is certainly an enormous waste.

Meanwhile, Musk's minions keep busy spreading faked figures about one federal agency after another, as does their billionaire boss.

Evidently, they all harbor deep hostility toward the nation's most popular government program, Social Security — which is why they have accused the Social Security Administration of paying out billions of dollars to people who have been dead for hundreds of years. Trump made a fool of himself with his dramatic repetition of that obviously false indictment before Congress, only to have Musk "apologize" and promise to do better.

But he assuredly will not do better, because his true purpose is not to "reform" the government or conserve its assets. Musk and Trump are waging ideological warfare against the idea and practice of democratic government that is of, by and for the people. They are creating an autocratic administration that extends control by would-be tyrants — and, to judge from the Kremlin's admiring reviews, by tyrants who are already in power.

Joe Conason is founder and editor-in-chief of The National Memo. He is also editor-at-large of Type Investigations, a nonprofit investigative reporting organization formerly known as The Investigative Fund. He is the author of several books, including The Raw Deal: How The Bush Republicans Plan To Destroy Social Security and the Legacy of the New Deal. His latest book is The Longest Con: How Grifters, Swindlers and Frauds Hijacked American Conservatism.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.


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