Tag: joe biden
Democrats, Be Warned: Trump Is Exploiting Your Weak Spots Again

Democrats, Be Warned: Trump Is Exploiting Your Weak Spots Again

Sure, the "No Kings" marches drew millions rightly protesting Donald Trump's assaults on our democratic institutions. But Democrats must dig deeper and ask how Trump could actually win another term after trying to overturn the 2020 election results with a violent attack on the Capitol. It wasn't as though most Americans adored him. Gallup's approval rating for Trump on election eve was a sad 46 percent.

Trump carried the 2024 vote by playing the Democrats on three issues that aggravate even moderate Americans. They are open borders, the demonization of law enforcement and racial, ethnic and other preferences embodied in the DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) movement being adopted by companies, schools, and government agencies.

Trump weaponized the most inflammatory statements coming from the fringe left. With the midterms on the horizon, he's doing it again with bait meant to provoke Democrats into taking radical positions.

It helped them little that in 2024, Joe Biden had, in fact, secured the border. But he waited until the end of his term after tolerating caravans of migrants surging into the U.S. The U.S.-Mexico border had just seen a record million migrant encounters in one year. The hesitancy left the strong impression that Biden acted only under political pressure.

On immigration, Trump seems intent on antagonizing Democrats with military-style spectacles of migrants being roughed up, including many who are fully documented. Gone was the sensible plan to deport those convicted of crimes and deal with otherwise law-abiding workers lacking papers in a more humane manner.

And so what did Democrats do? They voted to withhold funding for the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency until certain reforms were made. ICE enforces immigration law inside the U.S. Denying it the money to operate sounds a lot like "defunding the police," a slogan that cost Democrats seats in Congress and perhaps the presidency.

While Republicans are in power, the desired changes won't be made. But as long as Democrats cater to their radicals, they won't win enough races to take that power away. Meanwhile, Trump has shrewdly downshifted on the ICE excesses in the cities, letting them face from the news.

As for racial and ethnic preferences, Trump has crusaded against DEI. White males especially resent them, not without reason, and many others consider DEI incompatible with a merit-based democracy.

Biden went overboard on making race a basis for hires. His low point was announcing early on that his next Supreme Court nominee would be a black woman. When the time came, he named Ketanji Brown Jackson.

Thing is, Jackson was a superbly qualified candidate — magna cum laude from Harvard, clerkships for two federal judges and one supreme court justice, service on both a trial court and appellate court, plus experience in private practice. By announcing that his choice had to be a black woman, Biden excluded whites, Latinos, Asians and all men from a candidate pool in which Brown could well have prevailed on her own merits.

Trump goads the left's identity-mongers to double-down on racial arguments — and entertained the racist right — by demonizing individual blacks, notably individual black women.

Social media flame throwers will push Democrats to take positions hostile to moderate voters. Remember, partisans, their reward is getting attention. Your reward should be winning elections.

To recap: Trump would not have won in 2024 had Democrats not helped him. He exploited their refusal to secure the border earlier, fixation on identity (above all, that inexplicable obsession on transgender issues) and hostility toward law enforcement. That put Trump over the top despite a close popular vote and weak Democratic opponent.

Democrats, Trump knows your vulnerabilities. To survive the midterms he's already exploiting those weak spots-- without which, he's basically toast.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Rising Gas Prices Enraged Republicans Under Biden, But Not Any More

Rising Gas Prices Enraged Republicans Under Biden, But Not Any More

When the price of gas skyrocketed in 2022 after Russia invaded Ukraine, Republicans fell over themselves to blame then-President Joe Biden in hope of hurting his reelection bid as well as Democrats in the midterms—even though Biden was not at fault for the spike.

But now, with President Donald Trump squarely responsible for the exponential increase in oil and gas prices after he launched an ill-conceived war on Iran, Republicans have completely reversed course, claiming that high gas prices are a cost that they're willing to pay.

It’s a message taken directly from Dear Leader, who had the gall to argue this week that higher oil prices are actually good for Americans.

Get a load of Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio, who said Thursday that he’s totally fine with higher gas prices in order to let Trump wage war in Iran.

"If that means prices go up for a short time, I think Americans understand we can live with that," Jordan said on CNN.

But in 2022, Jordan was one of the loudest voices criticizing rising gas prices.

"Real America doesn’t care about the January 6th Committee,” he wrote on X at the time. “Gas is over $5 per gallon!”

And he was still on a tear about gas prices in 2023.

"Gas prices are up 63 cents this year. Groceries prices are still at record highs. Good luck affording a house with 7% interest rates. Bidenomics!" Jordan wrote on X at the time.

But Jordan is not singing the same tune today, with gas prices up 69 cents over the last month, grocery prices rising, and mortgage rates at more than six percent—all directly thanks to Trump’s war and illegal tariffs wreaking havoc on the economy.

Then there’s Rep. Mark Alford of Missouri, who told CNN this week that “there may be sacrifices to be made at the pump on a temporary basis."

"I think the people in my district are [willing to pay higher prices at the pump],” Alford said. "I'm willing to pay 30 percent or 30 cents more at the pump to make sure Iran doesn't have a nuclear weapon that's going to hit the U.S."

ALFORD: There may be sacrifices to be made at the pump on a temporary basisRAJU: Do you think Americans are willing to make it?A: I think the people in my district are. I'm willing to pay 30%, or 30 cents more at the pump to make sure Iran doesn't have a nuclear weapon that's going to hit the US

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— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar.com) March 11, 2026 at 2:50 PM

Just a few weeks ago, Alford was praising Trump for lowering gas prices.

"President Trump and House Republican’s [sic] America-First energy agenda is working—and it’s working so well that even networks usually quick to criticize are reporting the relief with a smile. When gas prices go down, American families go forward,” he wrote on X.

So then does Alford think that skyrocketing gas prices thanks to trigger-happy Trump make Americans go backward?

Sen. Rick Scott of Florida also said that Americans just have to get over surging gas prices because Trump's war is more important.

“We’d love to get gas prices back down, but the most important thing is [to] destroy Iran’s ability to produce a nuclear weapon, destroy their military, their ballistic missile capability," Scott told CNN. “We all want gas prices to come down. Nobody wants gas prices higher. This president doesn’t want gas prices higher. But we have to be realistic."

Of course, Trump said in June that the United States “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear capabilities, so it’s unclear how in just a few months the country became such a massive threat that war was necessary.

Given that a majority of Americans don't support Trump’s war and only wanted to see prices in the United States come down, it's hard to imagine that being a winning message for the GOP.

But that didn’t stop Sen. Roger Marshall of Kansas from pushing the same message.

"Freedom is not free. Americans are gonna have to make some sacrifices," Marshall said, even though the war in Iran has nothing to do with freedom in the United States.

However, there is one Republican sounding the alarm on Trump's war.

“If we are still bombing Iran with kinetic action—people don’t want to call it war—if there’s still kinetic action that causes oil to be over $100, I think you’re going to see a disastrous election [for Republicans],” Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky told Fox Business.

Rand Paul: "The 2026 elections, already we are behind the 8 ball. If you add in high gas prices, high oil prices, and if we're still bombing Iran with kinetic action -- people don't want to call it war -- I think you're gonna see a disastrous election."

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— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar.com) March 10, 2026 at 9:00 AM

Paul’s right: Rising gas prices are Trump's fault, and voters will punish the GOP for it come November.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Inherited Conditions: Biden Left Trump The Best Economy In Half A Century

Inherited Conditions: Biden Left Trump The Best Economy In Half A Century

Donald Trump may not be able to remember what things were like five years ago, when he handed the economy and the country to Joe Biden, but it is important that the rest of us do. As in so many other areas where Trump tries to turn reality on its head, he pushes the story of Biden inheriting a great economy, which he then wrecked. The reality is the opposite, Biden turned around an economy in shambles due to the pandemic, and handed off an economy that was widely touted as the envy of the world.

The most important reversal was in the labor market. More than 19 million people were laid off in the pandemic shutdowns in the spring of 2020. Many quickly came back to work in the summer and fall, but the huge bounce back had stopped by the time Biden took office.

Job growth averaged just 150,000 in the last three months of the Trump administration. In fact, the economy actually lost jobs in December of 2020, so it is clearly wrong to imagine that there was a surge of rehiring at the time Biden took office. Employment was still 9.4 million below its pre-pandemic peak in January of 2021. The unemployment rate stood at 6.4 percent.

Biden’s recovery package quickly turned the economy around. Unemployment was down to 4.0 percent by the end of 2021. Employment levels regained the lost ground by June of 2022. It would have taken more than six years to get back to pre-pandemic employment levels at the rate of job growth in the last three months of the Trump administration.

One cost of Biden’s aggressive recovery package was a surge in inflation. The year-over-year inflation rate began to rise rapidly from pandemic lows, peaking at 9.0 percent in June of 2022. Clearly the recovery package contributed to this increase, but most of the story is the world-wide supply chain crisis stemming from the pandemic. (The surge in energy prices following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was also a big factor pushing inflation higher.)

The story here is straightforward. As a result of the pandemic, people were not spending money on services like restaurants and travel. Instead, they spent it on goods, like appliances, television sets, and cars. The world could not meet this huge surge in demand, especially at a time when many production and shipping facilities were still crippled by the pandemic.

It is also important to recognize that this shift from services to goods was not the result of governmental restrictions. It was due to people not wanting to go into crowds and risk getting a potentially deadly disease that they could then transmit to friends and family members. Service spending did not return to its pre-pandemic share of consumption until early 2024.

However, the rate of inflation fell quickly. By the fall of 2024 the year-over-year rate was down to 2.5 percent, only slightly above the Fed’s 2.0 percent target. It’s also important to note that wages outpaced inflation over the Biden years, with the lowest paid workers seeing the largest real wage gains in more than half a century. It’s also important to note an increase of 20 million in the number of people who work from home, which is estimated as equivalent to a wage gain of 8 percent.

Finally, there is the question of overall economic growth. The economy had an unprecedented plunge in the spring of 2020 associated with pandemic shutdowns. It shot back in the summer and fall, but it had lost momentum by the end of the year. GDP in the fourth quarter was still 0.9 percent below its year ago level.

The recovery package quickly ramped up growth. The economy had some shaky times due to supply chains issues, two subsequent and unanticipated waves of covid in the summer of 2021 and winter of 2022, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and the sharp rate hikes by the Fed beginning in March of 2022. But it had settled down to a healthy pace of growth by 2024, with a year-over-year rate of 2.4 percent in the fourth quarter. That is the economy Joe Biden handed off to Donald Trump.

Source: BLS and BEA

It would be foolish to say everything was great when Biden left office. The United States has a badly undeveloped system of social supports. Tens of millions of people struggle to put food on the table, pay the rent, and cover medical bills. But by almost every measure most of the country was doing better in 2024 than they had been doing in 2020 or even before the pandemic in 2019.

Donald Trump might want people to forget this fact, but just because he has memory problems, it doesn’t mean the rest of us should.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.

Inflation Surge

Tariffs Spike Inflation -- And A Cut In Workers' Real Wages

It no longer is deniable that we are seeing a surge in inflation due to Trump’s tariffs. Last fall the Fed was projecting that inflation would be back close to its 2.0 percent target in 2025. It now looks like we will be above 3.0 percent, and possibly considerably higher.

This realization has shifted the debate from whether we will see tariff-induced inflation to how enduring the uptick will be. Trump supporters are assuring us that the rise in inflation will be transitory, with inflation settling back down to its pre-tariff pace after a period of time. On the other hand, we have the possibility that we will see a persistently higher rate of inflation, and possibly even an inflationary spiral.

As a card-carrying member of Team Transitory a few years back, I think it is worth distinguishing what “transitory” means in the context of tariff driven inflation, as opposed to inflation driven by supply-chain bottlenecks.

The big factor in determining whether inflation is transitory or enduring is whether it leads to a faster path of nominal wage growth. If the pace of wage growth increases in response to higher inflation, the more rapid rate of inflation is likely to persist. The higher wages will then get passed on in higher prices, and this continues until something like a recession and a big jump in unemployment breaks the pattern.

When the Trump crew tells us that their tariff-induced inflation is transitory, they are saying that there will be no pick-up in wage growth. In effect workers will be forced to eat the tariffs in the form of less purchasing power for their paychecks.

If we get an uptick in the inflation rate of 1.0 percentage point for two years, they are looking at a 2.0 percent drop in their real wage. If the uptick averages 1.5 percentage points, that would mean a drop of 3.0 percent in purchasing power. For a worker making the median wage of roughly $25 an hour, this would mean a cut of between $1,000 and $1,500 a year in their real wage.

By contrast, the claim of Team Transitory during the supply chain inflation was that the bottlenecks driving up prices would be resolved and that prices of the affected goods would stop rising and possibly even fall back toward their pre-pandemic level. In that story, workers would not see an enduring cut in their real wages.

The transitory story on supply-chain inflation turned out to be largely correct. It took longer for the bottlenecks to resolve themselves than most of us expected. This was primarily because subsequent waves of Covid both disrupted shipping, and continued to steer consumption from services to goods, as people continued to be scared of going to restaurants and movies, and other forms of service consumption. In any case, we clearly didn’t see the inflationary spiral that some feared, nor did we need a big jump in unemployment to push inflation back down.

The story of Trump’s Team Transitory (TTT) is far less benign. It’s a story where workers have permanently lower real wages and living standards than they would have in the absence of the tariffs. That might be good news on the inflation front, but it is not especially good news for the people who depend on their paycheck for their livelihood.

Dean Baker is an economist, author, and co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research. His writing has appeared in many major publications, including The Atlantic, The Washington Post, and The Financial Times.

Reprinted with permission from Substack.

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